Why Brexit happened -- and what to do next | Alexander Betts

Prevodilac: Mile Živković Lektor: Milenka Okuka

I am British.

Ja sam Britanac.

(Laughter)

(Smeh)

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

Never before has the phrase "I am British" elicited so much pity.

Ta rečenica nikada pre nije izazivala toliko sažaljenja.

(Laughter)

(Smeh)

I come from an island where many of us like to believe

Dolazim sa ostrva gde mnogi od nas veruju

there's been a lot of continuity over the last thousand years.

da postoji priličan kontinuitet tokom proteklih hiljadu godina.

Istorijski smo uglavnom mi bili ti koji su nametali promene drugima,

We tend to have historically imposed change on others

but done much less of it ourselves.

ali smo se sami retko menjali.

So it came as an immense shock to me

Tako da je za mene bio ogroman šok

when I woke up on the morning of June 24

kada sam se probudio jutra 24. juna

to discover that my country had voted to leave the European Union,

i otkrio da je moja zemlja izglasala da napusti Evropsku uniju,

my Prime Minister had resigned,

da je premijer dao ostavku

and Scotland was considering a referendum

i da je Škotska razmatrala referendum

that could bring to an end the very existence of the United Kingdom.

koji bi mogao da dovede u pitanje samo postojanje Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva.

So that was an immense shock for me,

To je za mene bio ogroman šok,

and it was an immense shock for many people,

kao i za mnoge druge ljude,

but it was also something that, over the following several days,

ali je i bilo nešto što je tokom nekoliko narednih dana

created a complete political meltdown

stvorilo potpuno političko rasulo

in my country.

u mojoj zemlji.

There were calls for a second referendum,

Tražio se drugi referendum,

almost as if, following a sports match,

skoro kao kada bi nakon sportskog meča

we could ask the opposition for a replay.

od protivnika tražili revanš.

Everybody was blaming everybody else.

Svako je krivio svakog drugog.

People blamed the Prime Minister

Ljudi su krivili premijera

for calling the referendum in the first place.

što je uopšte raspisao referendum.

They blamed the leader of the opposition for not fighting it hard enough.

Krivili su vođu opozicije što se nije dovoljno žustro borio.

The young accused the old.

Mladi su krivili stare.

The educated blamed the less well-educated.

Obrazovni su krivili one manje obrazovane.

That complete meltdown was made even worse

To potpuno rasulo je pogoršao

by the most tragic element of it:

najtragičniji element svega:

levels of xenophobia and racist abuse in the streets of Britain

nivoi ksenofobije i rasne zloupotrebe na ulicama Britanije

at a level that I have never seen before

na nivou koji do sada nisam video

in my lifetime.

u svom životu.

People are now talking about whether my country is becoming a Little England,

Ljudi sada pričaju o tome da li moja zemlja postaje Mala Engleska,

or, as one of my colleagues put it,

ili kako kaže jedan moj kolega,

whether we're about to become a 1950s nostalgia theme park

da li ćemo postati nostalgični zabavni park iz 50-ih godina

floating in the Atlantic Ocean.

koji pluta u Atlantskom okeanu.

(Laughter)

(Smeh)

But my question is really,

Ali moje pitanje je zapravo,

should we have the degree of shock that we've experienced since?

da li treba da nas prati osećanje šoka koje doživljavamo sve od tad?

Was it something that took place overnight?

Da li je to nešto što se desilo preko noći?

Or are there deeper structural factors that have led us to where we are today?

Ili postoje dublji strukturni faktori koji su nas doveli tu gde smo danas?

So I want to take a step back and ask two very basic questions.

Želim da načinim korak unazad i postavim dva veoma prosta pitanja.

First, what does Brexit represent,

Prvo, šta predstavlja Bregzit,

not just for my country,

ne samo za moju zemlju,

but for all of us around the world?

već za sve nas širom sveta?

And second, what can we do about it?

I drugo, šta možemo da uradimo povodom toga?

How should we all respond?

Kako da odgovorimo na to?

So first, what does Brexit represent?

Prvo, šta predstavlja Bregzit?

Hindsight is a wonderful thing.

Naknadna pamet je divna stvar.

Brexit teaches us many things about our society

Bregzit nas uči toliko toga o našem društvu

and about societies around the world.

i o društvima širom sveta.

It highlights in ways that we seem embarrassingly unaware of

Na razne načine naglašava to da smo sramotno nesvesni toga

how divided our societies are.

koliko su podeljena naša društva.

The vote split along lines of age, education, class and geography.

Glasovi su bili podeljeni po godinama, obrazovanju, klasi i mestu glasanja.

Young people didn't turn out to vote in great numbers,

Nije izašlo mnogo mladih na glasanje,

but those that did wanted to remain.

ali oni koji su glasali, glasali su za ostanak.

Older people really wanted to leave the European Union.

Stariji ljudi su zaista želeli da napuste Evropsku uniju.

Geographically, it was London and Scotland that most strongly committed

Geografski, London i Škotska bili su najposvećeniji tome

to being part of the European Union,

da ostanu deo Evropske unije,

while in other parts of the country there was very strong ambivalence.

dok je u drugim delovima zemlje postojala veoma jaka ambivalentnost.

Those divisions are things we really need to recognize and take seriously.

Te podele su stvari koje zaista moramo da prepoznamo i shvatimo ozbiljno.

But more profoundly, the vote teaches us something

Ali na dubljem nivou, glasanje nas uči nečemu

about the nature of politics today.

o prirodi današnje politike.

Contemporary politics is no longer just about right and left.

Savremena politika više se ne tiče samo desnice i levice.

It's no longer just about tax and spend.

Ne tiče se više samo poreza i troškova.

It's about globalization.

Tiče se globalizacije.

The fault line of contemporary politics is between those that embrace globalization

Raskol u savremenoj poltici je među onima koji prihvataju globalizaciju

and those that fear globalization.

i onima koji je se plaše.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

If we look at why those who wanted to leave --

Ukoliko pogledamo zašto oni koji su želeli da odu -

we call them "Leavers," as opposed to "Remainers" --

zovemo ih "odlazeći", naspram "ostajućih" -

we see two factors in the opinion polls

vidimo dva faktora u anketama

that really mattered.

koji su bili zaista bitni.

The first was immigration, and the second sovereignty,

Prvi je bio imigracija, a drugi suverenitet

and these represent a desire for people to take back control of their own lives

i oni predstavljaju želju mnogih da povrate kontrolu nad svojim životima

and the feeling that they are unrepresented by politicians.

i osećanje da ih političari ne predstavljaju dovoljno.

But those ideas are ones that signify fear and alienation.

Ali te ideje pojačavaju strah i otuđenje.

They represent a retreat back towards nationalism and borders

One predstavljaju povlačenje nazad ka nacionalizmu i granicama

in ways that many of us would reject.

na načine koji bi mnogi od nas odbacili.

What I want to suggest is the picture is more complicated than that,

Želim da predložim da je slika mnogo komplikovanija od toga,

that liberal internationalists,

da liberalni internacionalisti

like myself, and I firmly include myself in that picture,

poput mene, a ja sebe čvrsto pozicioniram u ovaj okvir,

need to write ourselves back into the picture

moraju da sebe ponovo ubace u priču

in order to understand how we've got to where we are today.

kako bismo razumeli kako smo došli tu gde smo danas.

When we look at the voting patterns across the United Kingdom,

Kada pogledamo šablone glasanja kroz Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo,

we can visibly see the divisions.

jasno se vide podele.

The blue areas show Remain

Plava područja su ostajanje

and the red areas Leave.

a crvena napuštanje.

When I looked at this,

Kada sam pogledao ovo,

what personally struck me was the very little time in my life

lično me je pogodila veoma mala količina vremena

I've actually spent in many of the red areas.

koju sam zapravo proveo u mnogim crvenim područjima.

I suddenly realized that, looking at the top 50 areas in the UK

Odjednom sam shvatio da, gledajući gornjih 50 područja,

koja imaju najviše glasova za napuštanje,

that have the strongest Leave vote,

I've spent a combined total of four days of my life in those areas.

proveo sam ukupno četiri dana u tim područjima.

In some of those places,

U nekim od tih mesta

I didn't even know the names of the voting districts.

nisam ni znao imena okruga za glasanje.

It was a real shock to me,

Za mene je to bio pravi šok

and it suggested that people like me

i naznaka da ljudi poput mene

who think of ourselves as inclusive, open and tolerant,

koji za sebe misle da su inkluzivni, otvoreni i tolerantni,

perhaps don't know our own countries and societies

možda ne znaju sopstvene zemlje i društva

nearly as well as we like to believe.

ni blizu onome koliko verujemo.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

And the challenge that comes from that is we need to find a new way

Izazov koji proističe iz toga je da moramo da pronađemo novi način

to narrate globalization to those people,

da prenesemo globalizaciju ovim ljudima,

to recognize that for those people who have not necessarily been to university,

da prepoznamo da za ove ljude koji možda nisu išli na fakultet,

who haven't necessarily grown up with the Internet,

koji možda nisu odrasli uz internet,

that don't get opportunities to travel,

koji nemaju prilike za putovanja,

they may be unpersuaded by the narrative that we find persuasive

možda im nije privlačna priča koju mi smatramo privlačnom

in our often liberal bubbles.

u svojim često liberalnim mehurima.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

It means that we need to reach out more broadly and understand.

To znači da moramo da posegnemo šire i da razumemo.

In the Leave vote, a minority have peddled the politics of fear and hatred,

Kod glasanja za napuštanje, manjina je gurala politiku straha i mržnje

creating lies and mistrust

i stvarala laži i nepoverenje,

around, for instance, the idea that the vote on Europe

na primer oko ideje da bi glas koji se tiče Evrope

could reduce the number of refugees and asylum-seekers coming to Europe,

smanjio broj izbeglica i azilanata koji dolaze u Evropu,

when the vote on leaving had nothing to do with immigration

iako se glas za napuštanje uopšte nije ticao imigracija

from outside the European Union.

iz područja van Evropske unije.

But for a significant majority of the Leave voters

Ali za značajnu većinu glasača za napuštanje,

the concern was disillusionment with the political establishment.

briga je bila nepoverenje u politički establišment.

This was a protest vote for many,

Ovo je za mnoge bilo protestno glasanje,

a sense that nobody represented them,

osećaj da ih niko ne predstavlja,

that they couldn't find a political party that spoke for them,

da nisu mogli da nađu stranku koja ih je zastupala

and so they rejected that political establishment.

i tako su odbili taj establišment.

This replicates around Europe and much of the liberal democratic world.

Ovo odzvanja širom Evrope i većinom liberalnog demokratskog sveta.

We see it with the rise in popularity of Donald Trump in the United States,

To vidimo u povećanju popularnosti Donalda Trampa u SAD-u,

with the growing nationalism of Viktor Orbán in Hungary,

sa rastućim nacionalizmom Viktora Orbana u Mađarskoj,

with the increase in popularity of Marine Le Pen in France.

sa rastom popularnosti Marin le Pen u Francuskoj.

The specter of Brexit is in all of our societies.

Spektar Bregzita je u svim našim društvima.

So the question I think we need to ask is my second question,

Pitanje koje treba da postavimo je moje drugo pitanje,

which is how should we collectively respond?

a to je, kako treba da odgovorimo zajednički?

For all of us who care about creating liberal, open, tolerant societies,

Za sve nas kojima je stalo do stvaranja

liberalnih, otvorenih, tolerantnih društava,

we urgently need a new vision,

hitno nam je potrebna nova vizija,

a vision of a more tolerant, inclusive globalization,

vizija tolerantnije, inkluzivnije globalizacije,

one that brings people with us rather than leaving them behind.

one koja zbližava ljude s nama, umesto da ih ostavlja iza.

That vision of globalization

Ta vizija globalizacije

is one that has to start by a recognition of the positive benefits of globalization.

je ona koja mora da počne prepoznavanjem pozitivnih efekata globalizacije.

The consensus amongst economists

Ekonomisti se slažu

is that free trade, the movement of capital,

da su slobodna trgovina, kretanje kapitala,

the movement of people across borders

kretanje ljudi preko granica,

benefit everyone on aggregate.

korisni za sve.

The consensus amongst international relations scholars

Akademici iz polja međunarodnih odnosa

is that globalization brings interdependence,

slažu se da globalizacija donosi međusobnu zavisnost,

which brings cooperation and peace.

što dovodi do saradnje i mira.

But globalization also has redistributive effects.

Ali globalizacija takođe ima i efekte preraspodele.

It creates winners and losers.

Ona stvara gubitnike i pobednike.

To take the example of migration,

Uzmimo primer imigracije,

we know that immigration is a net positive for the economy as a whole

znamo da je imigracija neto pozitivna za ekonomiju u globalu

under almost all circumstances.

pod skoro svim okolnostima.

But we also have to be very aware

Ali takođe moramo biti veoma svesni

that there are redistributive consequences,

da postoje posledice preraspodele,

that importantly, low-skilled immigration

da je bitno da imigracija radnika niske kvalifikacije

can lead to a reduction in wages for the most impoverished in our societies

može dovesti do smanjenja plata za najsiromašnije u našim društvima

and also put pressure on house prices.

kao i da vrši pritisak na cene nekretnina.

That doesn't detract from the fact that it's positive,

To ne menja činjenicu da je pozitivna,

but it means more people have to share in those benefits

ali znači da više ljudi mora da deli te prednosti

and recognize them.

i da ih prepozna.

In 2002, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan,

Godine 2002, bivši sekretar Ujedinjenih nacija, Kofi Anan,

gave a speech at Yale University,

održao je govor na univerzitetu Jejl

and that speech was on the topic of inclusive globalization.

i govor se ticao teme inkluzivne globalizacije.

That was the speech in which he coined that term.

To je bio govor gde je on skovao taj izraz.

And he said, and I paraphrase,

Rekao je, parafraziram:

"The glass house of globalization has to be open to all

"Kuća od stakla globalizacije mora biti otvorena svima

if it is to remain secure.

ukoliko želimo da ostane bezbedna.

Bigotry and ignorance

Predrasude i neznanje

are the ugly face of exclusionary and antagonistic globalization."

su ružno lice isključive i antagonističke globalizacije."

That idea of inclusive globalization was briefly revived in 2008

Ta ideja inkluzivne globalizacije nakratko je oživljena 2008.

in a conference on progressive governance

na konferenciji o progresivnoj vladavini

involving many of the leaders of European countries.

gde je bilo mnogo vođa evropskih zemalja.

But amid austerity and the financial crisis of 2008,

Ali usred mera štednje i finansijske krize 2008,

the concept disappeared almost without a trace.

zamisao je nestala skoro bez traga.

Globalization has been taken to support a neoliberal agenda.

Za globalizaciju se kaže da podržava neoliberalni poredak.

It's perceived to be part of an elite agenda

Smatraju je delom elitnog poretka

rather than something that benefits all.

umesto nečim što doprinosi svima.

And it needs to be reclaimed on a far more inclusive basis

Ona se mora vratiti nazad mnogo inkluzivnijim osnovama

than it is today.

nego što je to danas.

So the question is, how can we achieve that goal?

Pitanje je, kako postići taj cilj?

How can we balance on the one hand addressing fear and alienation

Kako, sa jedne strane, balansirati borbu sa strahom i otuđenjem

while on the other hand refusing vehemently

dok sa druge strane žestoko odbijamo

to give in to xenophobia and nationalism?

da se predamo ksenofobiji i nacionalizmu?

That is the question for all of us.

To je pitanje za sve nas.

And I think, as a social scientist,

Kao sociolog,

that social science offers some places to start.

mislim da sociologija nudi neka mesta za početak.

Our transformation has to be about both ideas and about material change,

Naša transformacija mora se ticati i ideja i materijalne promene

and I want to give you four ideas as a starting point.

i želim da vam dam četiri ideje kao polazne tačke.

The first relates to the idea of civic education.

Prva se odnosi na ideju građanskog obrazovanja.

What stands out from Brexit

Iz Bregzita proizilazi

is the gap between public perception and empirical reality.

razdor između percepcije javnosti i empirijske stvarnosti.

It's been suggested that we've moved to a postfactual society,

Kažu da smo se prebacili u postčinjenično društvo,

where evidence and truth no longer matter,

gde dokazi i istine nisu bitni

and lies have equal status to the clarity of evidence.

i laži imaju jednak status kao jasnoća dokaza.

So how can we --

Kako onda da -

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

How can we rebuild respect for truth and evidence into our liberal democracies?

Kako onda da povratimo poštovanje za istinu i dokaze

u svoje liberalne demokratije?

It has to begin with education,

Mora se početi obrazovanjem,

but it has to start with the recognition that there are huge gaps.

ali mora se početi priznavanjem da postoje ogromni jazovi.

In 2014, the pollster Ipsos MORI

Godine 2014, Ipsos MORI

published a survey on attitudes to immigration,

objavio je istraživanje o stavovima o imigraciji

and it showed that as numbers of immigrants increase,

i pokazalo je da kako se povećava broj imigranata,

so public concern with immigration also increases,

tako raste i zabrinutost javnosti o imigraciji,

although it obviously didn't unpack causality,

iako to očigledno ne podrazumeva uzročnost,

because this could equally be to do not so much with numbers

jer i ovo ne bi moralo toliko da se tiče brojeva

but the political and media narrative around it.

koliko političke i medijske priče iza njih.

But the same survey also revealed

Ali isto istraživanje je otkrilo

huge public misinformation

veliku dezinformisanost javnosti

and misunderstanding about the nature of immigration.

i nesporazum oko prirode imigracije.

For example, in these attitudes in the United Kingdom,

Na primer, u ovim stavovima širom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva,

the public believed that levels of asylum

javnost je verovala da su nivoi azila

were a greater proportion of immigration than they were,

bili u većoj proporciji iz imigracije nego što su bili

but they also believed the levels of educational migration

ali su takođe verovali da su nivoi imigracije zbog obrazovanja

were far lower as a proportion of overall migration

mnogo niži u ukupnoj proporciji imigracije

than they actually are.

nego što su zaista bili.

So we have to address this misinformation,

Moramo da se pozabavimo ovom dezinformacijom,

the gap between perception and reality on key aspects of globalization.

jazom između utiska i stvarnosti kod ključnih aspekata globalizacije.

And that can't just be something that's left to our schools,

A to ne može prosto biti nešto što ćemo ostaviti našim školama,

although that's important to begin at an early age.

iako je bitno početi s time u ranom dobu.

It has to be about lifelong civic participation

Mora se ticati doživotne građanske uključenosti

and public engagement that we all encourage as societies.

i angažmana javnosti koji svi mi podržavamo kao društva.

The second thing that I think is an opportunity

Druga stvar za koju mislim da je prilika

is the idea to encourage more interaction across diverse communities.

je ideja da ohrabri više interakcije među različitim zajednicama.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

One of the things that stands out for me very strikingly,

Jedna od stvari koja se meni izričito ističe,

looking at immigration attitudes in the United Kingdom,

gledajući na stavove prema imigraciji u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu,

is that ironically, the regions of my country

je da ironično, delovi moje zemlje

that are the most tolerant of immigrants

koji su najtolerantniji prema imigrantima

have the highest numbers of immigrants.

imaju najveći broj imigranata.

So for instance, London and the Southeast have the highest numbers of immigrants,

Na primer, London i jugoistok zemlje imaju najviši broj imigranata

and they are also by far the most tolerant areas.

i takođe su daleko najtolerantnija područja.

It's those areas of the country that have the lowest levels of immigration

Oni delovi zemlje koji imaju najniže nivoe imigracije

that actually are the most exclusionary and intolerant towards migrants.

su zapravo najisključiviji i najnetolerantniji prema migrantima.

So we need to encourage exchange programs.

Moramo da podstičemo programe razmene.

We need to ensure that older generations who maybe can't travel

Moramo da se potrudimo da starije generacije

koje možda ne mogu da putuju

get access to the Internet.

imaju pristup internetu.

We need to encourage, even on a local and national level,

Moramo da podstaknemo, čak i na lokalnom i državnom nivou,

more movement, more participation,

više kretanja, učestvovanja,

more interaction with people who we don't know

više interakcije sa ljudima koje ne poznajemo

and whose views we might not necessarily agree with.

i sa čijim stanovištima se možda i ne slažemo.

The third thing that I think is crucial, though,

Treća stvar za koju mislim da je ključna,

and this is really fundamental,

a ovo je zaista bitno,

is we have to ensure that everybody shares

moramo se postarati da svako deli

in the benefits of globalization.

blagodeti globalizacije.

This illustration from the Financial Times post-Brexit is really striking.

Ova ilustracija iz "Fajnenšal tajmsa" nakon Bregzita je zaista upečatljiva.

It shows tragically that those people who voted to leave the European Union

Tragično pokazuje da su oni ljudi

koji su glasali za napuštanje Evropske unije

were those who actually benefited the most materially

bili oni koji su zapravo imali najviše materijalne koristi

from trade with the European Union.

od trgovine sa Evropskom unijom.

But the problem is that those people in those areas

Problem je u tome što ti ljudi u tim područjima

didn't perceive themselves to be beneficiaries.

nisu sebe videli kao uživaoce u blagodetima.

They didn't believe that they were actually getting access

Nisu verovali da oni zapravo dobijaju pristup materijalnim dobrima

to material benefits of increased trade and increased mobility around the world.

iz povećane trgovine, kao i povećanu mobilnost širom sveta.

I work on questions predominantly to do with refugees,

Radim na pitanjima koja se prevashodno tiču izbeglica,

and one of the ideas I spent a lot of my time preaching,

i jedna od ideja koju sam dosta dugo ponavljao,

mainly to developing countries around the world,

većinom u zemljama u razvoju širom sveta,

is that in order to encourage the integration of refugees,

je da kako bi se podstakla integracija izbeglica,

we can't just benefit the refugee populations,

ne možemo prosto da damo blagodeti izbegličkom stanovništvu,

we also have to address the concerns of the host communities in local areas.

moramo i da rešimo probleme zajednica domaćina u lokalnim područjima.

But in looking at that,

Ali gledajući na to,

one of the policy prescriptions is that we have to provide

jedna od preporuka za politiku je da moramo da pružimo

disproportionately better education facilities, health facilities,

neproporcionalno bolje ustanove za obrazovanje, zdravstvo

access to social services

i pristup socijalnim uslugama

in those regions of high immigration

u tim područjima sa visokom imigracijom

to address the concerns of those local populations.

kako bi se rešili problemi tog lokalnog stanovništva.

But while we encourage that around the developing world,

Ali iako podstičemo to širom sveta u razvoju,

we don't take those lessons home

te lekcije ne primenjujemo kod kuće

and incorporate them in our own societies.

i ne uključujemo ih u sopstvenim društvima.

Furthermore, if we're going to really take seriously

Štaviše, ako ćemo zaista da uzmemo za ozbiljno

the need to ensure people share in the economic benefits,

potrebu da se postaramo da ljudi dele ekonomske blagodeti,

our businesses and corporations need a model of globalization

našim kompanijama i korporacijama potreban je model globalizacije

that recognizes that they, too, have to take people with them.

koji prepoznaje i činjenicu da i oni moraju da približe ljude sebi.

The fourth and final idea I want to put forward

Četvrta i poslednja ideja koju želim da predložim

is an idea that we need more responsible politics.

je ideja da nam je svima potrebna odgovornija politika.

There's very little social science evidence

Postoji veoma malo socioloških dokaza

that compares attitudes on globalization.

gde se porede stavovi o globalizaciji.

But from the surveys that do exist,

Ali iz istraživanja koja postoje,

what we can see is there's huge variation across different countries

možemo videti ogromne varijacije širom različitih zemalja

and time periods in those countries

i vremenskih perioda u tim zemljama

for attitudes and tolerance

što se tiče stavova i tolerancije

of questions like migration and mobility on the one hand

kod pitanja poput migracije i mobilnosti sa jedne strane

and free trade on the other.

i slobodne trgovine sa druge strane.

But one hypothesis that I think emerges from a cursory look at that data

Ali mislim da se javlja jedna hipoteza iz letimičnog pogleda na te podatke,

is the idea that polarized societies are far less tolerant of globalization.

ideja da su polarizovana društva mnogo manje tolerantna na globalizaciju.

It's the societies like Sweden in the past,

Društva poput Švedske u prošlosti,

like Canada today,

današnje Kanade,

where there is a centrist politics,

gde postoji politika centrizma,

where right and left work together,

gde levica i desnica sarađuju,

that we encourage supportive attitudes towards globalization.

tu se podržavaju pozitivni stavovi ka globalizaciji.

And what we see around the world today is a tragic polarization,

Danas širom sveta vidimo tragičnu polarizaciju,

a failure to have dialogue between the extremes in politics,

nemogućnost vođenja dijaloga između političkih ekstrema,

and a gap in terms of that liberal center ground

kao i jaz koji se tiče tog centralnog liberalnog tla

that can encourage communication and a shared understanding.

koji može da podstakne komunikaciju i zajedničko razumevanje.

We might not achieve that today,

Možda to nećemo postići danas,

but at the very least we have to call upon our politicians and our media

ali u najmanju ruku moramo da pozovemo svoje političare i medije

to drop a language of fear and be far more tolerant of one another.

da napuste jezik straha i budu tolerantniji jedni prema drugima.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

These ideas are very tentative,

Ove ideje su veoma okvirne i to je delom zbog toga

and that's in part because this needs to be an inclusive and shared project.

što ovo mora da bude inkluzivan i zajednički projekat.

I am still British.

Još uvek sam Britanac.

I am still European.

Još uvek sam Evropljanin.

I am still a global citizen.

Još uvek sam globalni građanin.

For those of us who believe

Za one među nama koji veruju

that our identities are not mutually exclusive,

da naši identiteti nisu međusobno isključivi,

we have to all work together

svi moramo da radimo zajedno

to ensure that globalization takes everyone with us

da se postaramo da globalizacija povede svakog sa nama

and doesn't leave people behind.

i ne ostavi nikog iza sebe.

Only then will we truly reconcile democracy and globalization.

Samo onda ćemo zaista pomiriti globalizaciju i demokratiju.

Thank you.

Hvala vam.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)