How women wage conflict without violence | Julia Bacha

Prevodilac: Mile Živković Lektor: Milenka Okuka

Twelve years ago, I picked up a camera for the first time

Pre 12 godina, prvi put sam u ruke uzela kameru

to film the olive harvest in a Palestinian village in the West Bank.

da bih snimala branje maslina u palestinskom selu blizu Zapadne obale.

I thought I was there to make a single documentary

Mislila sam da sam bila tamo da napravim jedan dokumentarac

and would then move on to some other part of the world.

i da bih onda prešla na neki drugi kraj sveta.

But something kept bringing me back.

Ali nešto me je vraćalo.

Now, usually, when international audiences hear about that part of the world,

Obično kada međunarodna publika čuje za taj deo sveta,

they often just want that conflict to go away.

često samo žele da taj konflikt nestane.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad, and we wish it could just disappear.

Konflikt Izraela i Palestine je loš i želeli bismo da prosto nestane.

We feel much the same way about other conflicts around the world.

Isto se osećamo što se tiče i drugih konflikata u svetu.

But every time we turn our attention to the news,

Ali svaki put kada obratimo pažnju na vesti,

it seems like one more country has gone up in flames.

čini se kao da još jedna država gori u plamenu.

So I've been wondering

Pa sam se pitala

whether we should not start looking at conflict in a different way --

da li treba da počnemo da gledamo na konflikt na drugačiji način -

whether instead of simply wishing to end conflict,

umesto da prosto želimo da se konflikt završi,

we focus instead on how to wage conflict.

umesto toga da se fokusiramo na to kako da vodimo konflikt.

This has been a big question for me,

To je za mene bilo veliko pitanje,

one I've pursued together with my team at the nonprofit Just Vision.

koje sam razrađivala sa mojim timom u neprofitnoj organizaciji Just Vision.

After witnessing several different kinds of struggles in the Middle East,

Nakon što sam videla razne vrste patnje na Bliskom istoku,

I started noticing some patterns on the more successful ones.

počela sam da primećujem neke šablone kod uspešnijih vrsta.

I wondered whether these variables held across cases, and if they did,

Pitala sam se da li su ove varijable jednake u raznim slučajevima, i ako jesu,

what lessons we could glean for waging constructive conflict,

koje lekcije možemo izvući za vođenje konstruktivnog konflikta

in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.

u Palestini, Izraelu i šire.

There is some science about this.

Ovde ima i nauke.

In a study of 323 major political conflicts

U proučavanju 323 velika politička konflikta

from 1900 to 2006,

od 1900. do 2006,

Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth found that nonviolent campaigns

Marija Stefan i Erika Čenovet otkrile su da su nenasilne kampanje

were almost 100 percent more likely to lead to success than violent campaigns.

bile skoro 100% sklonije uspehu od nasilnih kampanja.

Nonviolent campaigns are also less likely to cause physical harm

Takođe je manje verovatno da nasilne kampanje dovedu

do fizičke povrede za one koji su uključeni u nju,

to those waging the campaign,

as well as their opponents.

kao i za protivnike.

And, critically, they typically lead to more peaceful and democratic societies.

Kritički gledano, obično vode do mirnijih i demokratskijih društava.

In other words, nonviolent resistance is a more effective and constructive way

Drugim rečima, nenasilan otpor je efikasniji i konstruktivniji način

of waging conflict.

za vođenje konflikta.

But if that's such an easy choice, why don't more groups use it?

Ali ako je to tako lak izbor, zašto ga ne koristi više grupa?

Political scientist Victor Asal and colleagues

Politikolog Viktor Asal i njegove kolege

have looked at several factors

pogledali su nekoliko faktora

that shape a political group's choice of tactics.

koji oblikuju izbor taktika neke političke grupe.

And it turns out that the greatest predictor

Ispostavlja se da je najveći faktor predviđanja

of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence or violence

odluke nekog pokreta da bude nasilan ili nenasilan

is not whether that group is more left-wing or right-wing,

ne to da li je grupa više levičarska ili desničarska,

not whether the group is more or less influenced by religious beliefs,

ne to da li na grupu manje ili više utiču verska uverenja,

not whether it's up against a democracy or a dictatorship,

ne to da li je grupa protiv demokratije ili diktature,

and not even the levels of repression that that group is facing.

i ne čak ni nivo represije sa kojom se grupa suočava.

The greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence

Najveći faktor predviđanja odluke nekog pokreta da usvoji nenasilje

is its ideology regarding the role of women in public life.

je njegova ideologija koja se tiče uloge žene u javnom životu.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

When a movement includes in its discourse

Kada pokret u svoj diskurs uključi

jezik koji se tiče rodne ravnopravnosti,

language around gender equality,

it increases dramatically the chances it will adopt nonviolence,

on drastično povećava šanse da će usvojiti nenasilje,

and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.

i stoga i verovatnoću da će uspeti.

The research squared up with my own documentation

Istraživanje se poklopilo sa mojim zapisima

of political organizing in Israel and Palestine.

o politčkim organizacijama u Izraelu i Palestini.

I've noticed that movements which welcome women into leadership positions,

Primetila sam da pokreti koji prihvataju žene na vodećim mestima,

such as the one I documented in a village called Budrus,

poput onih koje sam dokumentovala u selu zvanom Budrus,

were much more likely to achieve their goals.

imaju veću verovatnoću da ostvare svoje ciljeve.

This village was under a real threat of being wiped off the map

Selo je bilo pod stvarnom pretnjom da bude izbrisano sa mape

when Israel started building the separation barrier.

kada je Izrael počeo da diže barijeru za odvajanje.

The proposed route would require

Predložena ruta bi podrazumevala

the destruction of this community's olive groves, their cemeteries

uništavanje sadnica masline u ovoj zajednici, njihovih grobalja

and would ultimately enclose the village from all sides.

i na kraju bi zatvorila selo sa svih strana.

Through inspired local leadership,

Kroz nadahnuto lokalno vođstvo,

they launched a nonviolent resistance campaign to stop that from happening.

pokrenuli su nenasilnu kampanju otpora da spreče da se sve ovo desi.

The odds were massively stacked against them.

Nisu imali skoro nikakve šanse.

But they had a secret weapon:

Ali imali su tajno oružje:

a 15-year-old girl

devojčicu od 15 godina

who courageously jumped in front of a bulldozer

koja je hrabro skočila pred buldožer,

which was about to uproot an olive tree, stopping it.

koji je trebalo da sruši drvo masline, i tako ga je zaustavila.

In that moment, the community of Budrus realized what was possible

U tom trenutku, zajednica Budrusa shvatila je šta je moguće,

if they welcomed and encouraged women to participate in public life.

ukoliko prihvate i ohrabre žene da učestvuju u javnom životu.

And so it was that the women of Budrus went to the front lines day after day,

Tako su žene Budrusa odlazile na front, dan za danom,

using their creativity and acumen to overcome multiple obstacles they faced

koristeći svoju kreativnost i sposobnost da prevaziđu višestruke prepreke

in a 10-month unarmed struggle.

u nenasilnoj borbi koja je trajala 10 meseci.

And as you can probably tell at this point,

Kao što već možete pretpostaviti,

they win at the end.

na kraju su pobedile.

The separation barrier was changed completely

Barijera za odvajanje je potpuno izmenjena

to the internationally recognized green line,

do međunarodno priznate zelene linije,

and the women of Budrus came to be known across the West Bank

i žene Budrusa postale su poznate širom Zapadne obale

for their indomitable energy.

po svojoj nesavladivoj energiji.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)

Thank you.

Hvala vam.

I want to pause for a second, which you helped me do,

Želim da stanem na sekund, u čemu ste mi vi pomogli,

because I do want to tackle two very serious misunderstandings

jer želim da se suočim sa dve veoma pogrešne pretpostavke

that could happen at this point.

koje sada mogu da nastanu.

The first one is that I don't believe

Prva je ta da ne verujem

women are inherently or essentially more peaceful than men.

da su žene suštinski ili same po sebi miroljubivije od muškaraca.

But I do believe that in today's world,

Ali verujem da u današnjem svetu

women experience power differently.

žene moć doživljavaju drugačije.

Having had to navigate being in the less powerful position

Pošto su morale da se nose sa tim da su u slabijem položaju

in multiple aspects of their lives,

u više aspekata svojih života,

women are often more adept

žene su često veštije

at how to surreptitiously pressure for change

u tome da se krišom izbore za promenu

against large, powerful actors.

protiv velikih, moćnih igrača.

The term "manipulative," often charged against women in a derogatory way,

Izraz "manipulativne" se često koristio protiv žena u negativnom smislu

reflects a reality in which women have often had to find ways

i on odražava stvarnost u kojoj su žene često morale da smisle načine

other than direct confrontation to achieve their goals.

da dođu do svojih ciljeva, uz izbegavanje direktnog sukoba.

And finding alternatives to direct confrontation

Pronalaženje alternativa direktnom sukobu

is at the core of nonviolent resistance.

je u samoj srži nenasilnog otpora.

Now to the second potential misunderstanding.

Sada idemo na drugo potencijalno nerazumevanje.

I've been talking a lot about my experiences in the Middle East,

Pričala sam mnogo o svojim iskustvima na Bliskom istoku

and some of you might be thinking now

i neki od vas sada možda misle

that the solution then is for us to educate Muslim and Arab societies

da je rešenje da obrazujemo muslimanska i arapska društva

to be more inclusive of their women.

da budu inkluzivniji prema svojim ženama.

If we were to do that, they would be more successful.

Kada bismo to uradili, oni bi bili uspešniji.

They do not need this kind of help.

Njima nije potrebna ovakva pomoć.

Women have been part of the most influential movements

Žene su bile uključene u najuticanije pokrete

coming out of the Middle East,

koji potiču iz Bliskog istoka,

but they tend to be invisible to the international community.

ali kao da su nevidvljive za međunarodnu zajednicu.

Our cameras are largely focused on the men

Naše kamere su uglavnom fokusirane na muškarce

who often end up involved in the more confrontational scenes

koji često završe umešani u neposrednijim situacijima,

that we find so irresistible in our news cycle.

koje su nam često neodoljive za izveštavanje.

And we end up with a narrative that not only erases women

Tako završimo sa narativom koji ne samo da briše žene

from the struggles in the region

iz borbi u regionu

but often misrepresents the struggles themselves.

već i često pogrešno tumači same borbe.

In the late 1980s, an uprising started in Gaza,

Krajem 1980-tih, u Gazi je pokrenut ustanak

and quickly spread to the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

i brzo se raširio na Zapadnu obalu i Istočni Jerusalim.

It came to be known as the First Intifada,

Postao je poznat kao Prva intifada

and people who have any visual memory of it

i ljudi koji ga se sećaju

generally conjure up something like this:

uglavnom imaju ovakve izjave:

Palestinian men throwing rocks at Israeli tanks.

palestinski muškarci bacali su kamenje na izraelske tenkove.

The news coverage at the time

Iz izveštavanja iz tog vremena

made it seem like stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires

izgledalo je kao da su jedine aktivnosti koje su se dešavale u Intifadi

were the only activities taking place in the Intifada.

bile kamenje, molotovljevi kokteli i zapaljene gume.

This period, though, was also marked by widespread nonviolent organizing

Ipak, ovaj period su obeležili i rašireni nenasilni skupovi

in the forms of strikes, sit-ins and the creation of parallel institutions.

u vidu štrajkova, okupiranja mesta i stvaranja paralelnih institucija.

During the First Intifada,

Tokom Prve intifade,

whole sectors of the Palestinian civilian population mobilized,

cele grupe palestinskih grupa civila bile su mobilisane,

cutting across generations, factions and class lines.

bez obzira na generaciju, frakciju i klasu.

They did this through networks of popular committees,

Ovo su uradili kroz mreže popularnih komiteta,

and their use of direct action and communal self-help projects

i njihovo korišćenje direktne akcije i društvenih projekata za samopomoć

challenged Israel's very ability

izazvalo je samu sposobnost Izraela

to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza.

da nastavi da vlada Zapadnom obalom i Gazom.

According to the Israeli Army itself,

Kako navodi sama vojska Izraela,

97 percent of activities during the First Intifada were unarmed.

97% aktivnosti tokom Prve intifade bilo je bez oružja.

And here's another thing that is not part of our narrative about that time.

Evo još jedne stvari koja nije deo našeg narativa što se tiče tog vremena.

For 18 months in the Intifada,

Tokom 18 meseci Intifade,

women were the ones calling the shots behind the scenes:

žene su naređivale iza kulisa:

Palestinian women from all walks of life

palestinske žene iz svih društvenih slojeva

in charge of mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people

bile su zadužene za mobilisanje stotine hiljada ljudi

in a concerted effort to withdraw consent from the occupation.

u koncentrisanom naporu da odbiju pristanak za okupaciju.

Naela Ayesh, who strived to build a self-sufficient Palestinian economy

Naela Ajaš, koja je težila tome da napravi samoodrživu palestinsku ekonomiju

by encouraging women in Gaza to grow vegetables in their backyards,

tako što je podržavala žene Gaze da gaje povrće u svojim baštama,

an activity deemed illegal by the Israeli authorities at that time;

a to je bila ilegalna aktivnost za tadašnje vlasti Izraela;

Rabeha Diab, who took over decision-making authority

Rabeha Diab, koja je preuzela donošenje odluka

for the entire uprising

za čitav ustanak,

when the men who had been running it

kada su deportovani muškarci

were deported;

koji su ga vodili,

Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets containing the uprising's directives

Fatima Al Džafari, koja je gutala letke sa uputstvima za ustanak

in order to spread them across the territories

kako bi ih širila preko teritorija,

without getting caught;

a da je ne uhvate;

and Zahira Kamal,

i Zahira Kamala,

who ensured the longevity of the uprising

koja se postarala da ustanak traje,

by leading an organization

tako što je vodila organizaciju

that went from 25 women to 3,000 in a single year.

koja je porasla sa 25 na 3000 žena tokom jedne godine.

Despite their extraordinary achievements,

Uprkos njihovim izvanrednim dostignućima,

none of these women have made it into our narrative of the First Intifada.

nijedna od ovih žena nije dospela u naš narativ o Prvoj intifadi.

We do this in other parts of the globe, too.

Ovo radimo i u drugim delovima sveta.

In our history books, for instance, and in our collective consciousness,

Na primer, u našim udžbenicima istorije, i u našoj kolektivnoj svesti,

men are the public faces and spokespersons

muškarci su javna lica i zastupnici

for the 1960s struggle for racial justice in the United States.

borbe za rasnu ravnopravnost 1960-tih u Sjedinjenim Državama.

But women were also a critical driving force,

Ali i žene su bile ključni pokretač,

mobilizing, organizing, taking to the streets.

mobilišući, organizujući, izlazeći na ulice.

How many of us think of Septima Clark

Koliko nas pomisli na Septimu Klark

when we think of the United States Civil Rights era?

kada pomislimo na Sjedinjene države u periodu borbe za ljudska prava?

Remarkably few.

Veoma malo nas.

But she played a crucial role in every phase of the struggle,

Ali igrala je ključnu ulogu u svakoj fazi borbe,

particularly by emphasizing literacy and education.

naročito tako što je naglašavala pismenost i obrazovanja.

She's been omitted, ignored,

Izostavljena je i ignorisana

like so many other women who played critical roles

poput mnogih drugih žena koje su igrale ključne uloge

in the United States Civil Rights Movement.

u pokretu za ljudska prava u Sjedinjenim Državama.

This is not about getting credit.

Ovo se ne tiče pripisivanja zasluga.

It's more profound than that.

Dublje je od toga.

The stories we tell matter deeply to how we see ourselves,

Priče koje pričamo veoma su bitne za to kako vidimo sebe

and to how we believe movements are run

i kako verujemo da se vode pokreti

and how movements are won.

i kako pokreti pobeđuju.

The stories we tell about a movement like the First Intifada

Priče koje pričamo o pokretima poput Prve intifade

or the United States Civil Rights era

ili periodu borbe za ljudska prava u SAD

matter deeply and have a critical influence

veoma su bitne i imaju ključni uticaj

in the choices Palestinians,

na izbore Palestinaca,

Americans

Amerikanaca

and people around the world will make

i na one izbore koje će ljudi širom sveta doneti

next time they encounter an injustice

naredni put kada se suoče sa nepravdom

and develop the courage to confront it.

i skupe hrabrost da se sukobe s njom.

If we do not lift up the women who played critical roles in these struggles,

Ukoliko ne slavimo žene koje su igrale ključne uloge u ovim borbama,

we fail to offer up role models to future generations.

ne pružamo uzore za naredne generacije.

Without role models, it becomes harder

Bez uzora, postaje teže

for women to take up their rightful space

da žene zauzmu svoje mesto

in public life.

u javnom životu.

And as we saw earlier,

A kao što smo ranije videli,

one of the most critical variables

jedna od najbitnih varijabli

in determining whether a movement will be successful or not

u određivanju da li će pokret biti uspešan ili ne

is a movement's ideology regarding the role of women

je ideologija pokreta što se tiče uloge žena

in public life.

u javnom životu.

This is a question of whether we're moving

Ovo je pitanje toga da li se krećemo

towards more democratic and peaceful societies.

ka demokratskijim i miroljubivijim društvima.

In a world where so much change is happening,

U svetu gde se dešava toliko promena

and where change is bound to continue at an increasingly faster pace,

i gde je neminovno da se promene nastave sve bržim tempom,

it is not a question of whether we will face conflict,

nije pitanje da li ćemo se suočiti s konfliktom,

but rather a question

već je pitanje toga

of which stories will shape

koje priče će oblikovati

how we choose to wage conflict.

kako biramo da vodimo konflikte.

Thank you.

Hvala vam.

(Applause)

(Aplauz)