How women wage conflict without violence | Julia Bacha

譯者: Tammy Lee 審譯者: TONGYU WANG

Twelve years ago, I picked up a camera for the first time

十二年前，我第一次提起了相機

to film the olive harvest in a Palestinian village in the West Bank.

拍攝了巴勒斯坦村莊西岸的橄欖收穫

I thought I was there to make a single documentary

我以為拍攝一則紀錄片後

and would then move on to some other part of the world.

會繼續往世界別處前進

But something kept bringing me back.

但某樣東西一直吸引我返回

Now, usually, when international audiences hear about that part of the world,

現在，當國際觀衆聽見 關於這地區的事情時

they often just want that conflict to go away.

他們只想要衝突雲消霧散

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad, and we wish it could just disappear.

以色列—巴勒斯坦的衝突固然可怕 而我們希望它能消失

We feel much the same way about other conflicts around the world.

我們對世上其他的衝突 也抱著相同的感觸

But every time we turn our attention to the news,

但是每當我們關注新聞時

it seems like one more country has gone up in flames.

似乎又多了一個烽火四起的國家

So I've been wondering

我一直在想

whether we should not start looking at conflict in a different way --

我們是否應該以不同角度看待衝突

whether instead of simply wishing to end conflict,

是否應該純粹希望結束衝突

we focus instead on how to wage conflict.

抑或是該把焦點設在如何發動衝突

This has been a big question for me,

我一直在摸索這問題

one I've pursued together with my team at the nonprofit Just Vision.

是我與我的非營利組織 [Just Vision] 團隊琢磨的問題

After witnessing several different kinds of struggles in the Middle East,

目睹了中東的各形掙扎後

I started noticing some patterns on the more successful ones.

我開始注意比較成功例子 之中的一些模式

I wondered whether these variables held across cases, and if they did,

想了解這些變數能否在不同案件適用

若可以的話

what lessons we could glean for waging constructive conflict,

我們又能從發動建設性衝突學會什麽

in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.

在巴勒斯坦、 以色列以及其他地方

There is some science about this.

這是有科學根據的

In a study of 323 major political conflicts

研究了從 1900 至 2006 年的 323 宗大規模政治衝突後

from 1900 to 2006,

Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth found that nonviolent campaigns

瑪麗亞·史特凡與艾麗卡·切諾維思 發現了非暴力行動

were almost 100 percent more likely to lead to success than violent campaigns.

比起暴力行動的成功率 幾乎高達 100 倍

Nonviolent campaigns are also less likely to cause physical harm

非暴力行動造成傷亡的機率也比較低

to those waging the campaign,

不僅是對於發起行動的一派

as well as their opponents.

還包括他們的對手

And, critically, they typically lead to more peaceful and democratic societies.

關鍵是它們一般會產生 更和平與民主的社會

In other words, nonviolent resistance is a more effective and constructive way

換句話說，非暴力抵抗

能更積極有效地發動衝突

of waging conflict.

But if that's such an easy choice, why don't more groups use it?

那麼簡單的選擇 為什麼更多的組織不運用？

Political scientist Victor Asal and colleagues

政治學家維克托·阿薩爾與他的同事

have looked at several factors

探討了幾個塑造政治團體

that shape a political group's choice of tactics.

選擇策略的因素

And it turns out that the greatest predictor

結果顯示最準確預測

of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence or violence

一個行動會採取非暴力或者暴力方式

is not whether that group is more left-wing or right-wing,

不是該組織傾向左翼或是右翼

not whether the group is more or less influenced by religious beliefs,

不是該組織較多或是較少被宗教影響

not whether it's up against a democracy or a dictatorship,

不是對抗著民主或是獨裁體系

and not even the levels of repression that that group is facing.

甚至連該組織面對鎮壓的程度也不是

The greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence

選擇採取非暴力方式最準確的預測

is its ideology regarding the role of women in public life.

是它對於女性在公共生活 所扮演的角色的觀念

(Applause)

（掌聲）

When a movement includes in its discourse

當一個行動的論述中

language around gender equality,

包含了兩性平等的論題

it increases dramatically the chances it will adopt nonviolence,

採取非暴力的機率將大幅提升

and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.

於是成功率也隨之增加

The research squared up with my own documentation

這項研究與我在以色列和巴勒斯坦的 政治組織過程記錄一致

of political organizing in Israel and Palestine.

I've noticed that movements which welcome women into leadership positions,

我發現了接納女性 擔當領導者角色的行動

such as the one I documented in a village called Budrus,

像我記錄了一個名叫布德魯斯的村莊

were much more likely to achieve their goals.

實現目標的成功率更大

This village was under a real threat of being wiped off the map

這個村莊面臨著被抹去的實際威脅

when Israel started building the separation barrier.

當以色列開始建造間隔障壁時

The proposed route would require

所建議的路線必須

the destruction of this community's olive groves, their cemeteries

摧毀社區的橄欖園與墳墓

and would ultimately enclose the village from all sides.

最終也得從四面八方封鎖這部村莊

Through inspired local leadership,

通過當地的積極領導

they launched a nonviolent resistance campaign to stop that from happening.

他們發動了非暴力抵抗 而阻止了事情的演化

The odds were massively stacked against them.

成功機率非常小

But they had a secret weapon:

但他們有著秘密武器

a 15-year-old girl

一名 15 歲的女孩

who courageously jumped in front of a bulldozer

她英勇地跳到推土機前

which was about to uproot an olive tree, stopping it.

阻止它拔除一顆橄欖樹

In that moment, the community of Budrus realized what was possible

一剎那間，整個布德魯斯社區意識了

if they welcomed and encouraged women to participate in public life.

鼓勵及歡迎女性參與公共生活的好處

And so it was that the women of Budrus went to the front lines day after day,

布德魯斯女性們日復一日地到前線去

using their creativity and acumen to overcome multiple obstacles they faced

利用她們的創造力與敏銳觸覺征服了

in a 10-month unarmed struggle.

10 個月非暴力奮鬥的各種障礙

And as you can probably tell at this point,

這時候你能預料

they win at the end.

他們最終成功了

The separation barrier was changed completely

間隔障壁完全被改變了

to the internationally recognized green line,

變成國際公認的綠線

and the women of Budrus came to be known across the West Bank

布德魯斯女性在西岸

for their indomitable energy.

因為不屈不撓的力量而成名

(Applause)

（掌聲）

Thank you.

謝謝

I want to pause for a second, which you helped me do,

我想暫停一下，大家也提醒了我

because I do want to tackle two very serious misunderstandings

因為我想處理現在可能發生

that could happen at this point.

兩個非常嚴重的誤會

The first one is that I don't believe

第一是我不相信

women are inherently or essentially more peaceful than men.

女性比起男性天生本質更愛和平

But I do believe that in today's world,

但是我相信在當今世界裡

women experience power differently.

女性以不同方式體驗力量

Having had to navigate being in the less powerful position

在她們生活中多方面需要

in multiple aspects of their lives,

以較小的勢力存活著

women are often more adept

女性往往更擅長

at how to surreptitiously pressure for change

在面對強大的主動者時

against large, powerful actors.

不聲不響地取得改變

The term "manipulative," often charged against women in a derogatory way,

「操縱」 這含有貶義的詞語 常被用於形容女性

reflects a reality in which women have often had to find ways

反映了現實中女性為了達到目標

other than direct confrontation to achieve their goals.

而需要尋找直接對抗以外的方法

And finding alternatives to direct confrontation

尋找直接對抗以外的方法

is at the core of nonviolent resistance.

正是非暴力抵抗的核心

Now to the second potential misunderstanding.

來談談第二個誤會的可能性

I've been talking a lot about my experiences in the Middle East,

我談了很多關於本身在中東的經驗

and some of you might be thinking now

你們之中可能有人在想著

that the solution then is for us to educate Muslim and Arab societies

解決問題的方法在於教育 穆斯林以及阿拉伯社群

to be more inclusive of their women.

讓他們的女性更活躍

If we were to do that, they would be more successful.

若能實現，他們則會更成功

They do not need this kind of help.

他們不需要這樣的協助

Women have been part of the most influential movements

女性一直側身於 中東富有影響力的行動中

coming out of the Middle East,

but they tend to be invisible to the international community.

但在國際社群中她們往往匿跡隱形

Our cameras are largely focused on the men

我們把相機焦點投向男性

who often end up involved in the more confrontational scenes

他們最終常涉及於帶有衝擊的畫面

that we find so irresistible in our news cycle.

我們的新聞媒體無法抵抗的畫面

And we end up with a narrative that not only erases women

結果得到不光是在地域掙扎中

from the struggles in the region

刪掉女性的敍事

but often misrepresents the struggles themselves.

還有常常誤傳掙扎本身的敍事

In the late 1980s, an uprising started in Gaza,

1980 年代後期加薩起義

and quickly spread to the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

很快向著西岸與東耶路撒冷蔓延

It came to be known as the First Intifada,

從此被視為「第一次巴勒斯坦大起義」

and people who have any visual memory of it

對此事擁有視覺回憶的人

generally conjure up something like this:

大致上會聯想起這樣的畫面

Palestinian men throwing rocks at Israeli tanks.

巴勒斯坦男性向著以色列戰車抛石頭

The news coverage at the time

當時的新聞報導

made it seem like stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires

呈現了石頭、燃燒彈以及燒焦輪胎

were the only activities taking place in the Intifada.

彷彿是暴動中唯一進行著的活動

This period, though, was also marked by widespread nonviolent organizing

這期間也見證了廣泛的非暴力組織

in the forms of strikes, sit-ins and the creation of parallel institutions.

以抗議、靜坐示威以及 創辦並聯機構的形式呈現

During the First Intifada,

第一次巴勒斯坦大起義時

whole sectors of the Palestinian civilian population mobilized,

大部分巴勒斯坦平民人口出動了

cutting across generations, factions and class lines.

跨越了世代、派別以及社會階級

They did this through networks of popular committees,

他們通過大衆的委員會網路

and their use of direct action and communal self-help projects

以及直接行動和社群的自助籌劃

challenged Israel's very ability

挑戰了以色列繼續

to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza.

統治西岸與加薩的資格

According to the Israeli Army itself,

根據以色列軍隊所說

97 percent of activities during the First Intifada were unarmed.

第一次大起義中 97% 的運動是未武裝的

And here's another thing that is not part of our narrative about that time.

有另外一件事是敍事中未被提及

For 18 months in the Intifada,

第一次大起義的 18 個月裡

women were the ones calling the shots behind the scenes:

幕後下命令的是女性

Palestinian women from all walks of life

各行各業的巴勒斯坦女性

in charge of mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people

負責發動上百上千的人

in a concerted effort to withdraw consent from the occupation.

以共同的努力反對被佔領

Naela Ayesh, who strived to build a self-sufficient Palestinian economy

娜爾拉·阿雅斯努力建造一個 自給自足的巴勒斯坦經濟

by encouraging women in Gaza to grow vegetables in their backyards,

她鼓勵加薩的女性在後院種植蔬菜

an activity deemed illegal by the Israeli authorities at that time;

是當時以色列政權視爲非法的舉動

Rabeha Diab, who took over decision-making authority

拉貝哈·迪雅接任了 整個起義的決策權力

for the entire uprising

when the men who had been running it

當時主持的男性

were deported;

都被驅逐出境了

Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets containing the uprising's directives

法蒂瑪·阿爾·賈法麗 吞下了包含起義指令的傳單

in order to spread them across the territories

為了不被逮捕的情況下

without getting caught;

讓它在各地區傳播

and Zahira Kamal,

還有薩希拉·卡馬爾

who ensured the longevity of the uprising

保障了起義的壽命

by leading an organization

她帶領了一個機構

that went from 25 women to 3,000 in a single year.

在一年内從 25 位 增加至 3000 位女性成員

Despite their extraordinary achievements,

任憑她們有著多為大的功績

none of these women have made it into our narrative of the First Intifada.

她們沒有被包括在 第一次巴勒斯坦大起義的敘事内

We do this in other parts of the globe, too.

我們在世界其他地區也做著相同的事

In our history books, for instance, and in our collective consciousness,

例如在歷史課本以及集體意識裡

men are the public faces and spokespersons

男性是公衆人物和發言人

for the 1960s struggle for racial justice in the United States.

在 1960 年代為美國種族公平奮戰

But women were also a critical driving force,

但是女性當時也擔任著重要的角色

mobilizing, organizing, taking to the streets.

發動、組織、上街示威

How many of us think of Septima Clark

誰會想起賽普蒂默·克拉克？

when we think of the United States Civil Rights era?

當我們想起美國的民權運動時

Remarkably few.

很少人會想起

But she played a crucial role in every phase of the struggle,

她在鬥爭的每個階段 都擔任著關鍵的角色

particularly by emphasizing literacy and education.

尤其著重於掃除文盲以及教育

She's been omitted, ignored,

她被刪去以及忽略

like so many other women who played critical roles

像許多在美國的民權運動時期 擔任關鍵角色的女性一樣

in the United States Civil Rights Movement.

This is not about getting credit.

這不是在討功勞

It's more profound than that.

這更為鄭重

The stories we tell matter deeply to how we see ourselves,

我們的敍事深深影響 我們如何看待自己

and to how we believe movements are run

我們如何看待行動的運作

and how movements are won.

如何看待行動的成敗

The stories we tell about a movement like the First Intifada

我們對於像第一次 巴勒斯坦大起義的敍事

or the United States Civil Rights era

或者美國的民權運動時期

matter deeply and have a critical influence

非常重要和具有影響力

in the choices Palestinians,

尤其是對於巴勒斯坦人

Americans

美國人

and people around the world will make

地球上的人

next time they encounter an injustice

遇到不公正時採取的行動

and develop the courage to confront it.

影響人們鼓起勇氣面對不公正

If we do not lift up the women who played critical roles in these struggles,

若我們不頌揚奮鬥中 持著關鍵角色的女性

we fail to offer up role models to future generations.

我們沒有為後代設下模範

Without role models, it becomes harder

沒有足供典範的女性

for women to take up their rightful space

婦女更難在公共生活

in public life.

堅定地立足

And as we saw earlier,

我們之前看見了

one of the most critical variables

其中最關鍵的變數

in determining whether a movement will be successful or not

來測定一個行動的成敗

is a movement's ideology regarding the role of women

在於它對於女性在公共生活 所扮演的角色的觀念

in public life.

This is a question of whether we're moving

這是有關我們是否走向

towards more democratic and peaceful societies.

更民主以及和平的社會的問題

In a world where so much change is happening,

在一個千變萬化的世界裡

and where change is bound to continue at an increasingly faster pace,

在越來越瞬息萬變的世界裡

it is not a question of whether we will face conflict,

這不是我們會否面對衝突的問題

but rather a question

這問題是

of which stories will shape

哪一種敍事將塑造

how we choose to wage conflict.

我們選擇發動衝突的方式

Thank you.

謝謝

(Applause)

（掌聲）