The surprising decline in violence | Steven Pinker

476,613 views ・ 2007-09-11

TED


Please double-click on the English subtitles below to play the video.

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Images like this, from the Auschwitz concentration camp,
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have been seared into our consciousness during the 20th century
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and have given us a new understanding of who we are,
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where we've come from and the times we live in.
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During the 20th century, we witnessed the atrocities
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of Stalin, Hitler, Mao, Pol Pot, Rwanda and other genocides,
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and even though the 21st century is only seven years old,
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we have already witnessed an ongoing genocide in Darfur
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and the daily horrors of Iraq.
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This has led to a common understanding of our situation,
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namely, that modernity has brought us terrible violence,
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and perhaps that native peoples lived in a state of harmony
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that we have departed from, to our peril.
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Here is an example from an op-ed on Thanksgiving,
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in the "Boston Globe" a couple of years ago,
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where the writer wrote, "The Indian life was a difficult one,
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but there were no employment problems,
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community harmony was strong, substance abuse unknown,
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crime nearly nonexistent.
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What warfare there was between tribes was largely ritualistic
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and seldom resulted in indiscriminate or wholesale slaughter."
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Now you're all familiar with this treacle.
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We teach it to our children.
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We hear it on television and in storybooks.
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Now, the original title of this session was, "Everything You Know is Wrong,"
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and I'm going to present evidence
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that this particular part of our common understanding is wrong,
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that, in fact, our ancestors were far more violent than we are,
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that violence has been in decline for long stretches of time,
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and that today, we are probably living in the most peaceful time
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in our species's existence.
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Now in the decade of Darfur and Iraq,
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a statement like that might seem somewhere between hallucinatory and obscene,
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but I'm going to try to convince you that that is the correct picture.
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The decline of violence is a fractal phenomenon.
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You can see it over millennia, over centuries, over decades
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and over years,
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although there seems to have been a tipping point
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at the onset of the Age of Reason in the 16th century.
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One sees it all over the world, although not homogeneously.
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It's especially evident in the West,
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beginning with England and Holland around the time of the Enlightenment.
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Let me take you on a journey of several powers of 10 --
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from the millennium scale to the year scale --
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to try to persuade you of this.
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Until 10,000 years ago, all humans lived as hunter-gatherers,
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without permanent settlements or government.
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And this is the state that's commonly thought to be one of primordial harmony.
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But the archaeologist Lawrence Keeley,
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looking at casualty rates among contemporary hunter-gatherers,
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which is our best source of evidence about this way of life,
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has shown a rather different conclusion.
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Here is a graph that he put together,
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showing the percentage of male deaths due to warfare
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in a number of foraging or hunting and gathering societies.
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The red bars correspond to the likelihood that a man will die
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at the hands of another man,
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as opposed to passing away of natural causes,
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in a variety of foraging societies in the New Guinea highlands
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and the Amazon rain forest.
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And they range from a rate of almost a 60 percent chance that a man will die
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at the hands of another man
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to, in the case of the Gebusi, only a 15 percent chance.
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The tiny little blue bar in the lower left-hand corner
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plots the corresponding statistic from the United States and Europe
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in the 20th century,
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and it includes all the deaths of both World Wars.
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If the death rate in tribal warfare had prevailed during the 20th century,
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there would have been two billion deaths rather than 100 million.
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Also on the millennium scale,
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we can look at the way of life of early civilizations,
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such as the ones described in the Bible.
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And in this supposed source of our moral values,
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one can read descriptions of what was expected in warfare,
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such as the following, from Numbers 31:
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"And they warred against the Midianites as the Lord commanded Moses,
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and they slew all the males.
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And Moses said unto them, 'Have you saved all the women alive?
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Now, therefore, kill every male among the little ones
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and kill every woman that hath known man by lying with him,
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but all the women children that have not known a man by lying with him,
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keep alive for yourselves.'"
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In other words: kill the men, kill the children.
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If you see any virgins, then you can keep them alive so that you can rape them.
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And you can find four or five passages in the Bible of this ilk.
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Also in the Bible, one sees that the death penalty was the accepted punishment
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for crimes such as homosexuality,
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adultery, blasphemy, idolatry, talking back to your parents --
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(Laughter)
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and picking up sticks on the Sabbath.
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Well, let's click the zoom lens down one order of magnitude
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and look at the century scale.
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Now, although we don't have statistics for warfare
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throughout the Middle Ages to modern times,
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we know just from conventional history
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that the evidence was under our nose all along
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that there has been a reduction in socially sanctioned forms of violence.
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For example, any social history will reveal that mutilation and torture
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were routine forms of criminal punishment.
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The kind of infraction today that would give you a fine,
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in those days, would result in your tongue being cut out,
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your ears being cut off, you being blinded,
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a hand being chopped off and so on.
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There were numerous ingenious forms of sadistic capital punishment:
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burning at the stake, disemboweling, breaking on the wheel,
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being pulled apart by horses and so on.
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The death penalty was a sanction for a long list of nonviolent crimes:
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criticizing the king, stealing a loaf of bread.
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Slavery, of course, was the preferred labor-saving device,
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and cruelty was a popular form of entertainment.
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Perhaps the most vivid example was the practice of cat burning,
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in which a cat was hoisted on a stage and lowered in a sling into a fire,
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and the spectators shrieked in laughter as the cat, howling in pain,
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was burned to death.
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What about one-on-one murder?
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Well, there, there are good statistics,
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because many municipalities recorded the cause of death.
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The criminologist Manuel Eisner
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scoured all of the historical records across Europe
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for homicide rates in any village, hamlet, town, county that he could find,
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and then he supplemented them with national data
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when nations started keeping statistics.
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He plotted on a logarithmic scale,
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going from 100 deaths per 100,000 people per year,
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which was approximately the rate of homicide in the Middle Ages,
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and the figure plummets down
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to less than one homicide per 100,000 people per year
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in seven or eight European countries.
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Then, there is a slight uptick in the 1960s.
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The people who said that rock and roll would lead to the decline of moral values
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actually had a grain of truth to that.
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But there was a decline from at least two orders of magnitude in homicide
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from the Middle Ages to the present,
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and the elbow occurred in the early 16th century.
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Let's click down now to the decade scale.
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According to nongovernmental organizations that keep such statistics,
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since 1945, in Europe and the Americas,
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there has been a steep decline in interstate wars,
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in deadly ethnic riots or pogroms
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and in military coups, even in South America.
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Worldwide, there's been a steep decline in deaths in interstate wars.
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The yellow bars here show the number of deaths per war per year
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from 1950 to the present.
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And, as you can see, the death rate goes down
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from 65,000 deaths per conflict per year in the 1950s
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to less than 2,000 deaths per conflict per year in this decade,
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as horrific as it is.
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Even in the year scale, one can see a decline of violence.
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Since the end of the Cold War, there have been fewer civil wars,
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fewer genocides -- indeed, a 90 percent reduction since post-World War II highs --
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and even a reversal of the 1960s uptick in homicide and violent crime.
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This is from the FBI uniform crime statistics.
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You can see that there's a fairly low rate of violence in the '50s and the '60s,
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then it soared upward for several decades
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and began a precipitous decline, starting in the 1990s,
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so that it went back to the level that was last enjoyed in 1960.
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President Clinton, if you're here: thank you.
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(Laughter)
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So the question is:
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Why are so many people so wrong about something so important?
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I think there are a number of reasons.
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One of them is we have better reporting.
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The Associated Press is a better chronicler of wars
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over the surface of the earth
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than 16th-century monks were.
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(Laughter)
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There's a cognitive illusion.
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We cognitive psychologists know
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that the easier it is to recall specific instances of something,
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the higher the probability that you assign to it.
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Things that we read about in the paper with gory footage
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burn into memory more than reports of a lot more people dying
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in their beds of old age.
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There are dynamics in the opinion and advocacy markets;
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no one ever attracted advocates and donors
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by saying, "Things just seem to be getting better and better."
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(Laughter)
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There's guilt about our treatment of native peoples
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in modern intellectual life,
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and an unwillingness to acknowledge there could be anything good
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about Western culture.
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And, of course, our change in standards can outpace the change in behavior.
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One of the reasons violence went down
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is that people got sick of the carnage and cruelty in their time.
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That's a process that seems to be continuing,
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but if it outstrips behavior by the standards of the day,
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things always look more barbaric than they would have been
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by historic standards.
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So today, we get exercised -- and rightly so --
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if a handful of murderers get executed by lethal injection in Texas
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after a 15-year appeal process.
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We don't consider that a couple of hundred years ago,
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they may have been burned at the stake for criticizing the king after a trial
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that lasted 10 minutes,
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and indeed, that that would have been repeated over and over again.
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Today, we look at capital punishment
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as evidence of how low our behavior can sink,
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rather than how high our standards have risen.
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Well, why has violence declined?
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No one really knows, but I have read four explanations,
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all of which, I think, have some grain of plausibility.
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The first is: maybe Thomas Hobbes got it right.
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He was the one who said
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that life in a state of nature was "solitary, poor, nasty,
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brutish and short."
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(Laughter)
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Not because, he argued,
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humans have some primordial thirst for blood
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or aggressive instinct or territorial imperative,
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but because of the logic of anarchy.
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In a state of anarchy,
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there's a constant temptation to invade your neighbors preemptively,
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before they invade you.
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More recently, Thomas Schelling gives the analogy
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of a homeowner who hears a rustling in the basement.
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Being a good American, he has a pistol in the nightstand,
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pulls out his gun, walks down the stairs.
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And what does he see but a burglar with a gun in his hand?
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Now, each one of them is thinking,
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"I don't really want to kill that guy, but he's about to kill me.
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Maybe I had better shoot him before he shoots me,
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especially since, even if he doesn't want to kill me,
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he's probably worrying right now that I might kill him before he kills me."
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And so on.
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Hunter-gatherer peoples explicitly go through this train of thought
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and will often raid their neighbors out of fear of being raided first.
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Now, one way of dealing with this problem is by deterrence.
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You don't strike first, but you have a publicly announced policy
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that you will retaliate savagely if you are invaded.
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The only thing is that it's liable to having its bluff called,
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and therefore can only work if it's credible.
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To make it credible, you must avenge all insults and settle all scores,
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which leads to the cycles of bloody vendetta.
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Life becomes an episode of "The Sopranos."
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Hobbes's solution, "Leviathan,"
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was that if authority for the legitimate use of violence
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was vested in a single democratic agency -- a leviathan --
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then such a state can reduce the temptation of attack,
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because any kind of aggression will be punished,
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leaving its profitability zero.
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That would remove the temptation to invade preemptively
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out of fear of them attacking you first.
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It removes the need for a hair trigger for retaliation
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to make your deterrent threat credible,
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and therefore, it would lead to a state of peace.
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Eisner -- the man who plotted the homicide rates
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that you failed to see in the earlier slide --
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argued that the timing of the decline of homicide in Europe
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coincided with the rise of centralized states.
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So that's a bit of a support for the leviathan theory.
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Also supporting it is the fact that we today see eruptions of violence
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in zones of anarchy, in failed states, collapsed empires,
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frontier regions, mafias, street gangs and so on.
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The second explanation is that in many times and places,
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there is a widespread sentiment that life is cheap.
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In earlier times, when suffering and early death were common in one's own life,
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one has fewer compunctions about inflicting them on others.
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And as technology and economic efficiency make life longer and more pleasant,
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one puts a higher value on life in general.
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This was an argument from the political scientist James Payne.
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A third explanation invokes the concept of a nonzero-sum game,
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and was worked out in the book "Nonzero" by the journalist Robert Wright.
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Wright points out that, in certain circumstances,
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cooperation or nonviolence can benefit both parties in an interaction,
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such as gains in trade when two parties trade their surpluses
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and both come out ahead,
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or when two parties lay down their arms
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and split the so-called peace dividend
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that results in them not having to fight the whole time.
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Wright argues that technology has increased the number
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of positive-sum games that humans tend to be embroiled in,
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by allowing the trade of goods, services and ideas
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over longer distances and among larger groups of people.
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The result is that other people become more valuable alive than dead,
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and violence declines for selfish reasons.
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As Wright put it,
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"Among the many reasons that I think that we should not bomb the Japanese
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is that they built my minivan."
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(Laughter)
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The fourth explanation is captured in the title of a book
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called "The Expanding Circle," by the philosopher Peter Singer,
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who argues that evolution bequeathed humans with a sense of empathy,
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an ability to treat other people's interests as comparable to one's own.
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Unfortunately, by default,
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we apply it only to a very narrow circle of friends and family.
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People outside that circle are treated as subhuman
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and can be exploited with impunity.
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But, over history, the circle has expanded.
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One can see, in historical record,
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it expanding from the village, to the clan, to the tribe, to the nation,
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to other races, to both sexes and, in Singer's own arguments,
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something that we should extend to other sentient species.
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So the question is:
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If this has happened, what has powered that expansion?
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And there are a number of possibilities,
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such as increasing circles of reciprocity
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in the sense that Robert Wright argues for.
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The logic of the Golden Rule --
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the more you think about and interact with other people,
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the more you realize that it is untenable to privilege your interests over theirs,
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at least not if you want them to listen to you.
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You can't say that my interests are special compared to yours
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any more than you can say
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the particular spot that I'm standing on is a unique part of the universe
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because I happen to be standing on it that very minute.
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It may also be powered by cosmopolitanism, by histories
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and journalism and memoirs and realistic fiction and travel and literacy,
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which allows you to project yourself into the lives of other people
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that formerly you may have treated as subhuman,
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and also to realize the accidental contingency of your own station in life,
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the sense that "There but for fortune go I."
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Whatever its causes,
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the decline of violence, I think, has profound implications.
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It should force us to ask not just, "Why is there war?"
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but also, "Why is there peace?"
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Not just, "What are we doing wrong?"
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but also, "What have we been doing right?"
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Because we have been doing something right,
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and it sure would be good to find out what it is.
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Thank you very much.
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(Applause)
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Chris Anderson: I loved that talk.
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I think a lot of people here in the room would say
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that that expansion you were talking about,
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that Peter Singer talks about,
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is also driven just by technology, by greater visibility of the other
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and the sense that the world is therefore getting smaller.
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I mean, is that also a grain of truth?
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Steven Pinker: Very much.
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It would fit both in Wright's theory,
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that it allows us to enjoy the benefits of cooperation
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over larger and larger circles.
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But also, I think it helps us imagine what it's like to be someone else.
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I think when you read of these horrific tortures
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that were common in the Middle Ages,
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you think, "How could they possibly have done it,
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how could they not have empathized with the person
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that they're disemboweling?"
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But clearly, as far as they're concerned, this is just an alien being
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that does not have feelings akin to their own.
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Anything, I think, that makes it easier
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to imagine trading places with someone else
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means that it increases your moral consideration
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to that other person.
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CA: I'd love every news media owner to hear that talk
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at some point, it's so important.
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CA: Thank you. SP: My pleasure.
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