Yasheng Huang: Does democracy stifle economic growth?

80,393 views ・ 2011-09-12

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譯者: Kai Cheong Chan 審譯者: Diwen Mueller
00:15
My topic
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我的講題
00:17
is economic growth in China and India.
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是中國和印度的經濟增長。
00:20
And the question I want to explore with you
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而我想與你們探討的問題是
00:23
is whether or not
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民主對於經濟增長
00:25
democracy has helped or has hindered
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是促進
00:28
economic growth.
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還是阻礙?
00:30
You may say this is not fair,
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你可能認為這並不公平。
00:32
because I'm selecting two countries
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因為我只用了兩個國家
00:35
to make a case against democracy.
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便立論否定民主。
00:38
Actually, exactly the opposite
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事實上,我要做旳
00:41
is what I'm going to do.
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剛好相反。
00:43
I'm going to use these two countries
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我要用這兩個國家
00:45
to make an economic argument for democracy,
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作為經濟上支持民主的理據
00:48
rather than against democracy.
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而非反對民主。
00:51
The first question there
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第一個問題是
00:53
is why China has grown so much faster
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為何中國的發展速度
00:55
than India.
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比印度要快很多?
00:57
Over the last 30 years,
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在過去的30年裡
00:59
in terms of the GDP growth rates,
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以GDP(國內生產總值)增長率計
01:02
China has grown at twice the rate of India.
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中國的增長是印度的兩倍。
01:06
In the last five years,
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在過去的5年,
01:08
the two countries have begun to converge somewhat
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兩國的經濟增長開始
01:11
in economic growth.
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趨向一致。
01:13
But over the last 30 years,
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但在過去30年,
01:15
China undoubtedly
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中國毫無疑問
01:17
has done much better than India.
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較印度表現好很多。
01:20
One simple answer
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一個簡單的答案是
01:22
is China has Shanghai and India has Mumbai.
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中國有上海,印度有孟買。
01:25
Look at the skyline of Shanghai.
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看看上海的地平線
01:28
This is the Pudong area.
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這是浦東地區。
01:30
The picture on India
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而印度的照片則是
01:32
is the Dharavi slum of Mumbai
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孟買達拉維的
01:34
in India.
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貧民窟。
01:36
The idea there
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兩張照片背後的
01:38
behind these two pictures
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想法是
01:40
is that the Chinese government
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中國政府可以
01:42
can act above rule of law.
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凌駕法治之上。
01:44
It can plan
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她可以根據國家長期利益
01:46
for the long-term benefits of the country
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作出規劃。
01:48
and in the process,
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而在這個過程中
01:50
evict millions of people --
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遷徙以百萬計的人民 -
01:52
that's just a small technical issue.
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這只是小小的技術問題。
01:55
Whereas in India, you cannot do that,
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然而在印度,你無法這樣做
01:57
because you have to listen to the public.
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你要聽取民眾的意見。
02:00
You're being constrained by the public's opinion.
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你受到民意的制約。
02:02
Even Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
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即使辛格總理
02:05
agrees with that view.
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認同這個看法。
02:07
In an interview
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在刊登於印度一份財經刊物上
02:09
printed in the financial press of India,
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的一篇訪問中,
02:11
He said that he wants to make Mumbai
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他說過想把孟買變成
02:14
another Shanghai.
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另一個上海。
02:16
This is an Oxford-trained economist
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這是一位在英國牛津大學受教育,
02:19
steeped in humanistic values,
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人文價值觀深厚的經濟學家,
02:23
and yet he agrees
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但他還是認同
02:25
with the high-pressure tactics of Shanghai.
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上海的高壓政策。
02:29
So let me call it the Shanghai model of economic growth,
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讓我稱它為上海式的經濟增長模式吧,
02:32
that emphasizes the following features
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它強調以下
02:36
for promoting economic development:
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促進經濟發展的形式:
02:38
infrastructures, airports,
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基礎建設、機場、
02:40
highways, bridges, things like that.
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公路、橋樑及類似的建設。
02:43
And you need a strong government to do that,
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你需要一個強勢政府才可以這樣做,
02:46
because you cannot respect private property rights.
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因為你不能尊重私有產權。
02:49
You cannot be constrained by the public's opinion.
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你也不可以被民意約束。
02:52
You need also state ownership,
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你亦需要公共產權,
02:54
especially of land assets,
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特別是土地資產的擁有權,
02:57
in order to build and roll out infrastructures
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以便急速地進行及推出
03:00
very quickly.
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基礎建設。
03:02
The implication of that model
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這個模式意味著
03:04
is that democracy
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民主
03:06
is a hindrance for economic growth,
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是經濟增長的障礙,
03:08
rather than a facilitator of economic growth.
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而非經濟增長促進者。
03:12
Here's the key question.
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這裡關鍵的問題是:
03:14
Just how important are infrastructures
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基礎建設對經濟增長
03:17
for economic growth?
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有多重要?
03:19
This is a key issue.
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這是一個關鍵的課題。
03:21
If you believe that infrastructures are very important for economic growth,
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如果你相信基礎建設對經濟增長極之重要,
03:25
then you would argue a strong government is necessary
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那麼你應支持須要強勢政府去
03:28
to promote growth.
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促進經濟增長。
03:30
If you believe
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如果你相信
03:32
that infrastructures are not as important as many people believe,
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基礎建設並非如很多人所想那麼重要的話,
03:35
then you will put less emphasis
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那麼你便不會那樣重視
03:37
on strong government.
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強勢政府。
03:39
So to illustrate that question,
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要說明這個問題,
03:41
let me give you two countries.
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讓我用兩個國家為例,
03:43
And for the sake of brevity,
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同時為求簡單起見,
03:45
I'll call one country Country 1
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我把第一個國家稱為甲國
03:47
and the other country Country 2.
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另一個乙國。
03:49
Country 1
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甲國
03:51
has a systematic advantage over Country 2
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在基礎建設上較乙國
03:54
in infrastructures.
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有系統性的優勢。
03:56
Country 1 has more telephones,
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甲國有較多的電話,
03:59
and Country 1 has a longer system of railways.
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和更長的鐵路系統。
04:02
So if I were to ask you,
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如果我問你,
04:05
"Which is China
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那一個是中國?
04:07
and which is India,
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那一個是印度?
04:09
and which country has grown faster?"
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那一個國家增長得比較快?
04:11
if you believe in the infrastructure view,
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我相根據基礎建設的角度,
04:14
then you will say, "Country 1 must be China.
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你會說:"甲國應該是中國,
04:17
They must have done better, in terms of economic growth.
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在經濟增長方面,她應表現較佳,
04:19
And Country 2 is possibly India."
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而乙國就可能是印度。"
04:23
Actually the country with more telephones
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事實上,有較多電話的國家是
04:26
is the Soviet Union,
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蘇聯,
04:28
and the data referred to 1989.
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這是1989年的數據。
04:31
After the country reported very impressive statistics on telephones,
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在發表了令人印象深刻的電話統計數據後,
04:36
the country collapsed.
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這個國家解體了。
04:39
That's not too good.
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這並非好事。
04:41
The picture there is Khrushchev.
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這是赫魯曉夫的照片。
04:43
I know that in 1989
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我知他在1989年
04:45
he no longer ruled the Soviet Union,
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已不再統治蘇聯了,
04:47
but that's the best picture that I can find.
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但這是我能找到的最好的照片。
04:50
(Laughter)
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(笑聲)
04:52
Telephones, infrastructures
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電話、基礎建設
04:54
do not guarantee you economic growth.
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並不保證為你帶來經濟增長。
04:56
Country 2, that has fewer telephones,
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擁有比較少電話的乙國
04:59
is China.
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是中國。
05:01
Since 1989,
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1989年以來
05:03
the country has performed at a double-digit rate
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該國在過去的20年裡
05:05
every year for the last 20 years.
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每年都表現出雙位數字的增長率。
05:08
If you know nothing about China and the Soviet Union
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如果你對中國和蘇聯一無所知
05:11
other than the fact about their telephones,
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只知道她們電話的數字,
05:14
you would have made a poor prediction
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你便會對她們之後20年的
05:16
about their economic growth
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經濟增長
05:18
in the next two decades.
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作出差勁的預測。
05:20
Country 1, that has a longer system of railways,
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有較長鐵路系統的甲國
05:23
is actually India.
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其實是印度。
05:25
And Country 2 is China.
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乙國是中國。
05:28
This is a very little known fact
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這是一個關於這兩個國家
05:31
about the two countries.
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罕為人知的事實。
05:33
Yes, today China has a huge infrastructure advantage
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沒錯,在基礎建設上中國目前較印度
05:35
over India.
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有龐大的優勢。
05:37
But for many years,
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但很多年來
05:39
until the late 1990s,
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直到90年代末期
05:41
China had an infrastructure disadvantage
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中國在基礎建設上相對印度而言
05:43
vis-a-vis India.
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是處於劣勢的。
05:45
In developing countries,
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在發展中國家,
05:47
the most common mode of transportation
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最普及的交通工具是
05:50
is the railways,
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鐵路,
05:52
and the British built a lot of railways in India.
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英國人在印度建了很多鐵路。
05:55
India is the smaller of the two countries,
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印度是兩國中較小的一個,
05:58
and yet it had a longer system of railways
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然而在90年代末,印度仍然擁有
06:01
until the late 1990s.
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較長的鐵路系統。
06:03
So clearly,
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明顯地,
06:05
infrastructure doesn't explain
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基礎建設解釋不了
06:07
why China did better before the late 1990s,
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爲何中國在90年代後期之前
06:10
as compared with India.
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表現優於印度。
06:12
In fact, if you look at the evidence worldwide,
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事實上,如果你環顧全球的證據,
06:16
the evidence is more supportive of the view
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這些證據更多支持
06:19
that the infrastructure are actually the result of economic growth.
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基礎建設是經濟增長的成果這種看法。
06:23
The economy grows,
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經濟增長,
06:25
government accumulates more resources,
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政府累積更多資源
06:27
and the government can invest in infrastructure --
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及投資於基礎建設 -
06:30
rather than infrastructure being a cause
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基礎建設並非
06:33
for economic growth.
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帶動經濟增長的原因。
06:35
And this is clearly the story
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這明顯是
06:37
of the Chinese economic growth.
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中國經濟增長的故事。
06:40
Let me look at this question more directly.
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讓我更直接的分析這個問題。
06:42
Is democracy bad for economic growth?
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民主是否不利於經濟增長?
06:45
Now let's turn to two countries,
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現在再看看另外兩個國家,
06:47
Country A and Country B.
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丙國和丁國。
06:50
Country A, in 1990,
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丙國在1990年
06:52
had about $300 per capita GDP
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的人均GDP是300美元。
06:55
as compared with Country B,
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至於丁國
06:57
which had $460 in per capita GDP.
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其人均GDP則爲460美元。
07:00
By 2008,
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到了2008年,
07:02
Country A has surpassed Country B
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丙國超越了丁國
07:05
with $700 per capita GDP
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人均GDP達700美元
07:08
as compared with $650 per capita GDP.
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相對於650美元的人均GDP。
07:12
Both countries are in Asia.
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兩個國家都在亞洲。
07:14
If I were to ask you,
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假如我問你:
07:16
"Which are the two Asian countries?
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"她們是那兩個亞洲國家呢?"
07:18
And which one is a democracy?"
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"那一個是民主國家呢?"
07:20
you may argue,
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你可能會認為
07:22
"Well, maybe Country A is China
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丙國是中國
07:24
and Country B is India."
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丁國是印度。
07:26
In fact, Country A
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事實上,丙國是
07:28
is democratic India,
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民主的印度,
07:30
and Country B is Pakistan --
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丁國是巴基斯坦 -
07:33
the country that has a long period
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該國有一段很長時期的
07:35
of military rule.
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軍事統治。
07:37
And it's very common
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我們時常會
07:39
that we compare India with China.
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拿印度與中國比較。
07:43
That's because the two countries
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因為這兩個國家
07:45
have about the same population size.
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擁有差不多的人口。
07:48
But the more natural comparison
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但更自然的比較
07:50
is actually between India and Pakistan.
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實際上應是印度和巴基斯坦。
07:52
Those two countries are geographically similar.
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這兩個國家地理位置差不多。
07:55
They have a complicated, but shared common history.
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同時擁有複雜但相同的歷史。
07:59
By that comparison,
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比較起來,
08:01
democracy looks very, very good
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民主對經濟增長
08:03
in terms of economic growth.
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看來極之有利。
08:06
So why do economists fall in love
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但為何經濟學家會愛上
08:09
with authoritarian governments?
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獨裁政府呢?
08:12
One reason is the East Asian Model.
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一個原因是東亞模式。
08:14
In East Asia,
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在東亞地區,
08:16
we have had successful economic growth stories
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我們有一些成功的經濟增長故事
08:19
such as Korea, Taiwan,
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例如南韓、台灣、
08:21
Hong Kong and Singapore.
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香港和新加坡。
08:23
Some of these economies
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這些國家中,有些
08:25
were ruled by authoritarian governments
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在60和70年代,
08:27
in the 60s and 70s
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以及80年代,
08:29
and 1980s.
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曾受獨裁統治。
08:31
The problem with that view
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這個看法的問題是
08:33
is like asking all the winners of lotteries,
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像問彩票中獎人:
08:36
"Have you won the lottery?"
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"你中了獎嗎?"
08:39
And they all tell you, "Yes, we have won the lottery."
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他們都會跟你說:"對,我中了獎。"
08:41
And then you draw the conclusion
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然後你便作出結論
08:43
the odds of winning the lottery
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中獎的機會是
08:46
are 100 percent.
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百分之百。
08:48
The reason is you never go
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原因是你完全沒有亦無心去
08:50
and bother to ask the losers
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問一下那些買了彩票
08:52
who also purchased lottery tickets
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但沒有中獎
08:54
and didn't end up winning the prize.
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而贏不到彩金的人。
08:58
For each of these successful authoritarian governments
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在東亞,
09:01
in East Asia,
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在這些每一個成功的獨裁政府背後
09:03
there's a matched failure.
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都有一個相應的失敗例子。
09:06
Korea succeeded, North Korea didn't.
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南韓成功,北韓失敗。
09:09
Taiwan succeeded, China under Mao Zedong didn't.
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台灣成功,毛澤東領導下的中國失敗。
09:12
Burma didn't succeed.
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緬甸不成功。
09:14
The Philippines didn't succeed.
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菲律賓不成功。
09:16
If you look at the statistical evidence worldwide,
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如果你看看全球的統計數據,
09:19
there's really no support for the idea
220
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真的找不到證據去證明,
09:22
that authoritarian governments
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獨裁政府
09:24
hold a systematic edge over democracies
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在經濟增長上較民主國家
09:27
in terms of economic growth.
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擁有系統性的優勢。
09:29
So the East Asian model
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所以東亞模式
09:31
has this massive selection bias --
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存有重大的選擇偏差 -
09:33
it is known as selecting on a dependent variable,
226
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即是所謂篩選因變數的做法,
09:36
something we always tell our students to avoid.
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一些我們經常教導學生要避免的錯誤。
09:40
So exactly why did China grow so much faster?
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究竟是甚麽原因令中國增長快那麼多呢?
09:45
I will take you to the Cultural Revolution,
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讓我與你們回顧一下文化大革命,
09:47
when China went mad,
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當時中國處於瘋狂狀態,
09:49
and compare that country's performance with India
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然後拿她的經濟表現與
09:52
under Indira Gandhi.
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甘地領導下的印度比較。
09:54
The question there is: Which country did better,
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這裡的問題是:"那一個國家表現較好,
09:57
China or India?
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中國或印度?"
09:59
China was during the Cultural Revolution.
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中國當時正處於文化大革命期間,
10:01
It turns out even during the Cultural Revolution,
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結果是即使在文化大革命期間,
10:03
China out-perfomed India
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以GDP增長計,
10:05
in terms of GDP growth
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中國比印度有較好的表現
10:07
by an average of about 2.2 percent every year
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以人均GDP計,
10:10
in terms of per capita GDP.
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中國平均每年的增長高於印度百分之2.2。
10:13
So that's when China was mad.
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這正是中國處於瘋狂的時候。
10:15
The whole country went mad.
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整個國家都瘋狂起來。
10:18
It must mean that the country
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這意味著這個國家
10:20
had something so advantageous to itself in terms of economic growth
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一定有一些經濟增長上的強大優勢
10:24
to overcome the negative effects
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足以克服文化大革命
10:27
of the Cultural Revolution.
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帶來的負面影響。
10:29
The advantage the country had
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這個國家擁有的優勢就是
10:31
was human capital --
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人力資本 -
10:34
nothing else but human capital.
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沒有其他就只是人力資本。
10:36
This is the world development index indicator data
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這是90年代初的
10:40
in the early 1990s.
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全球發展指數的數據。
10:42
And this is the earliest data that I can find.
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這是我能夠找到的最早的數據。
10:45
The adult literacy rate in China
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中國的成人識字率
10:48
is 77 percent
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達百分之77
10:50
as compared with 48 percent in India.
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印度只有百分之48。
10:53
The contrast in literacy rates
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中國和印度婦女
10:56
is especially sharp
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的識字率之間的差距
10:58
between Chinese women and Indian women.
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更為特別顯著。
11:01
I haven't told you about the definition of literacy.
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我還未告訴你識字率的定義。
11:05
In China, the definition of literacy
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在中國,識字的定義是
11:08
is the ability to read and write
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能夠讀和寫
11:10
1,500 Chinese characters.
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1,500個中文字。
11:13
In India, the definition of literacy,
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在印度,識字的定義,
11:16
operating definition of literacy,
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操作上識字的定義,
11:18
is the ability, the grand ability,
265
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是以你所說的語言,無論你說甚麽話,
11:21
to write your own name
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書寫自己名字
11:23
in whatever language you happen to speak.
267
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的能力,重大的能力。
11:27
The gap between the two countries in terms of literacy
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在識字水平上,兩國的差距
11:29
is much more substantial
269
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跟數據所顯示的
11:31
than the data here indicated.
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嚴重得更多。
11:34
If you go to other sources of data
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如果你參考其他數據來源
11:36
such as Human Development Index,
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譬如人力發展指數字,
11:38
that data series,
273
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該數據
11:40
go back to the early 1970s,
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追溯至70年代初
11:43
you see exactly the same contrast.
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你可看到完全一樣的差距。
11:45
China held a huge advantage
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中國相對於印度,
11:47
in terms of human capital
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在人力資本上
11:49
vis-a-vis India.
278
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擁有鉅大的優勢。
11:51
Life expectancies:
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預期壽命方面:
11:53
as early as 1965,
280
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早至1965年,
11:55
China had a huge advantage in life expectancy.
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中國在預期壽命亦有龐大優勢。
11:59
On average, as a Chinese in 1965,
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平均而言,在1965年時,作為中國人
12:02
you lived 10 years more
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你可比一個平均的印度人
12:04
than an average Indian.
284
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活多10年。
12:06
So if you have a choice
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假如你可選擇
12:08
between being a Chinese and being an Indian,
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做中國人還是印度人,
12:10
you would want to become a Chinese
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你自然會想做中國人
12:12
in order to live 10 years longer.
288
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得以活多10年。
12:15
If you made that decision in 1965,
289
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如果你在1965年作出了這個決定,
12:17
the down side of that
290
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弊處是
12:19
is the next year we have the Cultural Revolution.
291
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第二年爆發了文化大革命。
12:21
So you have to always think carefully
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所以你必須小心考慮
12:24
about these decisions.
293
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才去作出這些決定。
12:26
If you cannot chose your nationality,
294
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如果你不可選擇你的國藉,
12:29
then you will want to become an Indian man.
295
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那你將會想做印度男性。
12:32
Because, as an Indian man,
296
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因為,作為印度男性,
12:34
you have about two years of life expectancy advantage
297
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相對於印度女性,
12:37
vis-a-vis Indian women.
298
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你有長兩年預期壽命的優勢。
12:40
This is an extremely strange fact.
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這是極為不尋常的事實。
12:43
It's very rare among countries
300
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在其他國家中
12:46
to have this kind of pattern.
301
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極為罕見的形態。
12:48
It shows the systematic discrimination and biases
302
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這顯示出印度社會
12:51
in the Indian society
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對女性
12:53
against women.
304
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整體地存有歧視及偏見。
12:55
The good news is, by 2006,
305
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好消息是,在2006年前,
12:57
India has closed the gap
306
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印度已消除了
12:59
between men and women
307
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男性與女性
13:01
in terms of life expectancy.
308
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3000
預期壽命上的差距。
13:04
Today, Indian women have a sizable life expectancy edge
309
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今天,印度女性較男性
13:07
over Indian men.
310
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有一個很大的預期壽命的優勢。
13:09
So India is reverting to the normal.
311
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所以,印度正回歸常態。
13:12
But India still has a lot of work to do
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但印度在性別平等上
13:14
in terms of gender equality.
313
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還需努力。
13:16
These are the two pictures
314
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這是在中國廣東省
13:18
taken of garment factories in Guangdong Province
315
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和印度的製衣廠
13:21
and garment factories in India.
316
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拍攝的兩張照片。
13:24
In China, it's all women.
317
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在中國,相內全是女性。
13:26
60 to 80 percent of the workforce in China is women
318
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3000
在中國沿海地區,
13:29
in the coastal part of the country,
319
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百分之60至80的勞動力是女性。
13:31
whereas in India, it's all men.
320
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但在印度,則全是男性。
13:34
Financial Times printed this picture
321
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金融時報刊出了
13:36
of an Indian textile factory
322
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這張印度紡織廠的照片,
13:38
with the title, "India Poised to Overtake China in Textile."
323
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標題是:"印度紡織業即將超越中國"。
13:42
By looking at these two pictures,
324
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單看這兩張照片,
13:44
I say no, it won't overtake China for a while.
325
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我會說不,它有一段時間都不會超越中國。
13:48
If you look at other East Asian countries,
326
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如果你看看其他東亞國家,
13:50
women there play a hugely important role
327
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4000
女性在經濟起飛 -
13:54
in terms of economic take-off --
328
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在東亞地區
13:56
in terms of creating the manufacturing miracle
329
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創造製造業奇蹟方面,
13:59
associated with East Asia.
330
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扮演了極為重大的角色。
14:01
India still has a long way to go
331
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印度還有一段很長的路要走
14:03
to catch up with China.
332
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才趕得上中國。
14:05
Then the issue is,
333
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那麼,問題是,
14:07
what about the Chinese political system?
334
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中國的政治政度有何影響呢?
14:09
You talk about human capital,
335
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你談到人力資本、
14:11
you talk about education and public health.
336
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又談到教育和公共健康。
14:13
What about the political system?
337
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政治制度又如何呢?
14:15
Isn't it true that the one-party political system
338
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一黨政治制度足否
14:18
has facilitated economic growth in China?
339
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4000
促進了中國的經濟增長呢?
14:22
Actually, the answer is more nuanced and subtle than that.
340
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事實上,答案比較細緻和微妙。
14:26
It depends on a distinction that you draw
341
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這要看你如何區分
14:29
between statics of the political system
342
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3000
政治制度的靜態和
14:32
and the dynamics of the political system.
343
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政治制度的動態。
14:34
Statically, China is a one-party system,
344
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靜態而言,中國是一黨制度,
14:37
authoritarian -- there's no question about it.
345
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獨裁制度 - 這是毫無疑問的。
14:40
Dynamically, it has changed over time
346
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動態而言,它隨時間遷移而改變
14:43
to become less authoritarian and more democratic.
347
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變得較不獨裁和較為民主。
14:46
When you explain change --
348
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當你解釋改變時
14:48
for example, economic growth;
349
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例如,經濟增長;
14:50
economic growth is about change --
350
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經濟增長是關於改變 -
14:52
when you explain change,
351
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2000
當你解釋改變時,
14:54
you use other things that have changed to explain change,
352
894260
3000
你要用其他出現了改變的東西來解釋改變,
14:57
rather than using the constant to explain change.
353
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而不是用固定不變的因素來解釋改變。
15:01
Sometimes a fixed effect can explain change,
354
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3000
有時固定因素可解釋改變,
15:04
but a fixed effect only explains changes
355
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但固定因素只解釋改變
15:07
in interaction with the things that change.
356
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3000
與其他出現改變的因素的互動。
15:10
In terms of the political changes,
357
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以政治改變而言,
15:12
they have introduced village elections.
358
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2000
他們引進了農村選舉。
15:14
They have increased the security of proprietors.
359
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4000
他們加強了個體戶的保障。
15:18
And they have increased the security
360
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以及長期土地租賃
15:21
with long-term land leases.
361
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2000
的保障。
15:23
There are also financial reforms in rural China.
362
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3000
在中國農村也出現了財政改革。
15:26
There is also a rural entrepreneurial revolution in China.
363
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中國亦出現了農村創業革命。
15:29
To me, the pace of political changes
364
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3000
我覺得,政治改變的步代
15:32
is too slow, too gradual.
365
932260
2000
實在太慢、太循序漸進了。
15:34
And my own view is the country
366
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我的看法是這國家
15:36
is going to face some substantial challenges,
367
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將面對重大的挑戰,
15:38
because they have not moved further and faster on political reforms.
368
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因為他們在政治改革上走得未夠深遠和迅速。
15:42
But nevertheless,
369
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2000
但無論如何,
15:44
the system has moved in a more liberal direction,
370
944260
3000
這個制度已朝更開放、
15:47
moved in a more democratic direction.
371
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3000
更自由的方向發展。
15:51
You can apply exactly the same dynamic perspective on India.
372
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4000
你可把同樣的動態分析用在印度身上。
15:55
In fact, when India was growing
373
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2000
事實上,印度是依印度教的增長率
15:57
at a Hindu rate of growth --
374
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而增長 -
15:59
about one percent, two percent a year --
375
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2000
每年約百分之1至2 -
16:01
that was when India was least democratic.
376
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3000
這是印度最不民主的時期。
16:04
Indira Gandhi declared emergency rule in 1975.
377
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4000
甘地在1975年宣布了緊急管治。
16:08
The Indian government owned and operated
378
968260
3000
印度政府擁有和營運
16:11
all the TV stations.
379
971260
2000
所有的電視台。
16:13
A little-known fact about India in the 1990s
380
973260
3000
較少人知關於印度在1990年代的事實是
16:16
is that the country
381
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該國
16:18
not only has undertaken economic reforms,
382
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3000
不單只進行經濟改革,
16:21
the country has also undertaken political reforms
383
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3000
還進行了政治改革
16:24
by introducing village self-rule,
384
984260
3000
引入了鄉村自治
16:27
privatization of media
385
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3000
傳媒私有化
16:30
and introducing freedom of information acts.
386
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4000
和引入資訊自由法案。
16:34
So the dynamic perspective
387
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2000
所以,動態觀點
16:36
fits both with China and in India
388
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2000
從發展方向而言
16:38
in terms of the direction.
389
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2000
均適用於中國和印度。
16:40
Why do many people believe
390
1000260
3000
為何人們相信
16:43
that India is still a growth disaster?
391
1003260
3000
印度仍是一個增長的災難?
16:46
One reason
392
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2000
一個原因是
16:48
is they are always comparing India with China.
393
1008260
3000
他們經常拿印度與中國比較。
16:51
But China is a superstar
394
1011260
2000
但以經濟增長來說中國是
16:53
in terms of economic growth.
395
1013260
2000
超級巨星。
16:55
If you are a NBA player
396
1015260
2000
如果你是NBA球員,
16:57
and you are always being compared to Michael Jordan,
397
1017260
3000
而人們經常拿你跟米高.佐敦比較,
17:00
you're going to look not so impressive.
398
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2000
你也難以令人刮目相看。
17:02
But that doesn't mean
399
1022260
2000
但這並不表示
17:04
that you're a bad basketball player.
400
1024260
2000
你是一名差勁的藍球員。
17:06
Comparing with a superstar
401
1026260
2000
與超級巨星比較
17:08
is the wrong benchmark.
402
1028260
2000
是錯誤的基準。
17:10
In fact, if you compare India
403
1030260
2000
事實上,如果你拿印度與
17:12
with the average developing country,
404
1032260
2000
一般發展中國家比較,
17:14
even before the more recent period
405
1034260
3000
即使排除較近期
17:17
of acceleration of Indian growth --
406
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2000
印度增長加速期 -
17:19
now India is growing between eight and nine percent --
407
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3000
目前印度毎年增長百分之8至9 -
17:22
even before this period,
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即使在這時期之前,
17:24
India was ranked fourth in terms of economic growth
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以經濟增長計,印度在新興經濟中
17:27
among emerging economies.
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排名第4。
17:30
This is a very impressive record indeed.
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這實在是十分出色的紀錄。
17:34
Let's think about the future:
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讓我們想想將來:
17:36
the dragon vis-a-vis the elephant.
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龍與象之爭。
17:39
Which country has the growth momentum?
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那一個國家擁有增長勢頭?
17:42
China, I believe, still has
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我相信中國仍有
17:45
some of the excellent raw fundamentals --
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一些優良的原始基本因素 -
17:48
mostly the social capital,
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主要是社會資本、
17:50
the public health,
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公共衛生、
17:52
the sense of egalitarianism
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平均主義的感覺 -
17:54
that you don't find in India.
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這些都是印度缺少的。
17:56
But I believe that India has the momentum.
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但我相信印度有這個增長勢頭。
17:58
It has the improving fundamentals.
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她擁有逐步改善的基礎因素。
18:00
The government has invested in basic education,
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政府對基本教育作出了投資,
18:03
has invested in basic health.
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對基本健康作出了投資。
18:05
I believe the government should do more,
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我覺得政府應做得更多,
18:07
but nevertheless, the direction it is moving in
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但無論如何,它發展的方向
18:09
is the right direction.
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是正確的方向。
18:11
India has the right institutional conditions
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印度擁有經濟發展
18:14
for economic growth,
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的適當體制狀況,
18:16
whereas China is still struggling
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而中國仍在政治改革中
18:18
with political reforms.
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掙扎。
18:20
I believe that the political reforms are a must for China
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我相信中國要維持經濟增長,
18:23
to maintain its growth.
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政治改革是必須的。
18:26
And it's very important to have political reforms,
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同樣十分重要的是中國需要政治改革
18:28
to have widely shared benefits of economic growth.
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來使經濟增長的利益受到廣泛的分享。
18:31
I don't know whether that's going to happen or not,
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我不知道會否出現這種情況,
18:33
but I'm an optimist.
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但我是樂觀主義者。
18:35
Hopefully, five years from now, I'm going to report to TEDGlobal
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希望5年之後,我回來向TEDGlobal報告
18:38
that political reforms will happen in China.
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中國出現了政治改革。
18:40
Thank you very much.
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慼謝大家。
18:42
(Applause)
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(掌聲)
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