Maajid Nawaz: A global culture to fight extremism

翻译人员: Zhiqing Zhang 校对人员: Xu Jiang

Have you ever wondered

你们是否曾想知道

why extremism seems to have been on the rise in Muslim-majority countries

为什么极端主义在穆斯林多数的国家逐渐的强大了起来

over the course of the last decade?

尤其是在过去的十年间？

Have you ever wondered

你们是否曾想知道

how such a situation can be turned around?

这种情况如何才能被改变？

Have you ever looked at the Arab uprisings

你们是否曾看着这些阿拉伯人的起义

and thought, "How could we have predicted that?"

随之想：“我们怎样才能预见到这些起义？”

or "How could we have better prepared for that?"

或“我们怎样才能更好的为之做准备？“

Well my personal story, my personal journey,

我的故事，我亲身的历程

what brings me to the TED stage here today,

促使我今天来到TED的讲台，

is a demonstration of exactly what's been happening

讲述在以穆斯林为主的国家

in Muslim-majority countries

过去的十年里，甚至更久远的时候

over the course of the last decades, at least, and beyond.

到底发生了什么。

I want to share some of that story with you,

我想和你分享这些故事

but also some of my ideas around change

同时也有我对于这种改变的看法

and the role of social movements in creating change

还有在创造这种变化中社会运动的作用

in Muslim-majority societies.

在以穆斯林为主的国家中。

So let me begin

我这就开始了

by first of all giving a very, very brief history of time,

在最开始，我想介绍下一段非常非常简短的历史

if I may indulge.

如果我可以的话

In medieval societies there were defined allegiances.

中世纪的社会中有非常明确的效忠对象。

An identity was defined

身份从根本上

primarily by religion.

是由宗教决定的

And then we moved on into an era in the 19th century

随之我们来到了19世纪的一段时期

with the rise of a European nation-state

随着欧洲民族国家逐渐强大

where identities and allegiances were defined

在那里身份和效忠对象

by ethnicity.

是由种族划分决定的。

So identity was primarily defined by ethnicity,

因此身份定位从根本上是由种族决定的

and the nation-state reflected that.

民族国家反映了这个事实。

In the age of globalization, we moved on.

在全球化的年代，我们继续发展。

I call it the era of citizenship --

我称它为国籍时代--

where people could be from multi-racial, multi-ethnic backgrounds,

在那里人们可以拥有多种族，多民族的背景，

but all be equal as citizens

却都是同等的公民

in a state.

属于一个国家。

You could be American-Italian; you could be American-Irish;

你可以是美籍意大利人；你可以是美籍爱尔兰人

you could be British-Pakistani.

你也可以是英籍巴基斯坦人。

But I believe now

但是现在我相信

that we're moving into a new age,

我们正在向一个新时代前进。

and that age The New York Times dubbed recently

这个新时代最近被纽约时报称为

as "the age of behavior."

”行为时代“

How I define the age of behavior

我将行为时代定义为

is a period of transnational allegiances,

一个有着跨国效忠对象的时期，

where identity is defined more so

身份在这里更多的是

by ideas and narratives.

被观点和故事所决定。

And these ideas and narratives that bump people across borders

这些不分国界，冲击人们的观点和故事

are increasingly beginning to affect

正在迅速的影响

the way in which people behave.

人们行为的方式。

Now this is not all necessarily good news,

这并不完全是好消息，

because it's also my belief

因为我也同样相信

that hatred has gone global

敌意也已经遍布全球

just as much as love.

和爱一样多。

But actually it's my belief

实际上我还相信

that the people who've been truly capitalizing on this age of behavior,

那些真正利用这个行为时代的人们

up until now, up until recent times,

直到现在，直到最近，

up until the last six months,

直到六个月之前，

the people who have been capitalizing most

那些人最大化的利用了

on the age of behavior

行为时代

and the transnational allegiances,

以及跨国忠诚对象，

using digital activism

他们利用数码行动主义

and other sorts of borderless technologies,

和其他无国界的科学技术，

those who've been benefiting from this

那些从中获益的人

have been extremists.

都是极端主义者。

And that's something which I'd like to elaborate on.

这也是我想仔细阐述的话题

If we look at Islamists,

如果我们观察伊斯兰教徒

if we look at the phenomenon

如果我们观察这种

of far-right fascists,

极端右倾的法西斯主义者的现象

one thing they've been very good at,

他们最擅长的一项技能，

one thing that they've actually been exceeding in,

他们超越了其他人的一件事，

is communicating across borders,

就是跨境交流，

using technologies to organize themselves,

利用科技来组织他们的活动，

to propagate their message

来传送他们的信息

and to create truly global phenomena.

来创造真正的世界范围的现象。

Now I should know,

现在我了解了

because for 13 years of my life,

因为我人生中的13年

I was involved in an extreme Islamist organization.

都是在一个极端伊斯兰教组织中度过的。

And I was actually a potent force

我实际曾经作为一种有权势的组织力量

in spreading ideas across borders,

尤其是在跨境传播信息上。

and I witnessed the rise of Islamist extremism

我目睹了伊斯兰极端主义的兴起

as distinct from Islam the faith,

和伊斯兰的信仰非常不同

and the way in which it influenced my co-religionists

我也目睹了它是如何影响我的同教徒

across the world.

在世界范围内。

And my story, my personal story,

我的故事，我的亲身经历

is truly evidence for the age of behavior

是行为时代的非常好的证明

that I'm attempting to elaborate upon here.

也是我现在想要详细说明的。

I was, by the way -- I'm an Essex lad,

我是，顺便说一下，我是埃塞克斯人

born and raised in Essex in the U.K.

在英国的埃塞克斯出生并长大。

Anyone who's from England

从英国来的任何人

knows the reputation we have from Essex.

都知道我们在埃塞克斯的名声。

But having been born in Essex,

但出生于埃塞克斯，

at the age of 16,

十六岁的时候，

I joined an organization.

我加入了一个组织。

At the age of 17, I was recruiting people from Cambridge University

在我17岁的时候，我在剑桥大学里为组织

to this organization.

招募成员。

At the age of 19,

在我19岁的时候，

I was on the national leadership of this organization in the U.K.

我成为了这个组织英国地区的领导人。

At the age of 21, I was co-founding this organization in Pakistan.

21岁的时候，我在巴基斯坦共同创立了这个组织。

At the age of 22,

22岁的时候

I was co-founding this organization in Denmark.

我在丹麦共同创立了这个组织。

By the age of 24,

24岁的时候，

I found myself convicted in prison in Egypt,

我在埃及被定罪入狱，

being blacklisted from three countries in the world

被世界上的三个国家加入了黑名单

for attempting to overthrow their governments,

罪状是试图颠覆他们的政府，

being subjected to torture

我成为了被折磨的对象

in Egyptian jails

在埃及的监狱里

and sentenced to five years as a prisoner of conscience.

作为政治犯被判处5年的有期徒刑。

Now that journey,

那段时期，

and what took me from Essex all the way across the world --

带着我从埃塞克斯出发走过了全世界--

by the way, we were laughing at democratic activists.

顺便说一下，我们当时嘲笑民主激进分子。

We felt they were from the age of yesteryear.

我们觉得他们是从过去的时代来的。

We felt that they were out of date.

我们觉得他们太过时了。

I learned how to use email

我学会了如何使用电邮

from the extremist organization that I used.

从极端分子组织的活动中。

I learned how to effectively communicate across borders

我学会了如何有效地跨境交流

without being detected.

在不被发觉得情况下。

Eventually I was detected, of course, in Egypt.

后来我还是被发觉了，当然，在埃及。

But the way in which I learned

然而我学会

to use technology to my advantage

利用科技

was because I was within an extremist organization

是因为我属于一个极端主义组织

that was forced to think beyond

在那里你需要考虑更周密，超越

the confines of the nation-state.

超越民族国家的边界。

The age of behavior: where ideas and narratives

行为时代，在这里观点和故事

were increasingly defining behavior

迅速的决定了行为

and identity and allegiances.

身份以及忠诚。

So as I said, we looked to the status quo

所以如我所说，我们观察现状

and ridiculed it.

并嘲弄它。

And it's not just Islamist extremists that did this.

并不是只有伊斯兰极端分子这样做。

But even if you look across

但如果你纵观全局

the mood music in Europe of late,

即便是在后期欧洲舒缓的气氛音乐里，

far-right fascism is also on the rise.

右倾法西斯主义也在发展壮大。

A form of anti-Islam rhetoric

一种反伊斯兰的言论

is also on the rise

也在逐渐兴起

and it's transnational.

并且，它是跨国的。

And the consequences that this is having

这种现象所导致的后果

is that it's affecting the political climate

就是影响了整个欧洲

across Europe.

的政治气候。

What's actually happening

实际发生的是

is that what were previously localized parochialisms,

先前被局限于偏狭地方的

individual or groupings of extremists

个体极端主义者或是集体极端主义者

who were isolated from one another,

他们曾被互相孤立

have become interconnected in a globalized way

但现在以一种全球化的方式互相联系了起来

and have thus become, or are becoming, mainstream.

因为成为了，或即将成为，主流。

Because the Internet and connection technologies

因为网络和通信技术

are connecting them across the world.

把他们由世界的各个角落联系在了一起。

If you look at the rise of far-right fascism across Europe of late,

如果你注意后期欧洲极端右倾法西斯主义的兴起

you will see some things that are happening

你会发现正在发生的一些东西

that are influencing domestic politics,

正在影响该国政治，

yet the phenomenon is transnational.

然而这个现象也是跨国境的。

In certain countries, mosque minarets are being banned.

在某些国家，清真寺尖塔是被禁止建造的。

In others, headscarves are being banned.

在其他一些国家，头巾面纱也是被禁止的。

In others, kosher and halal meat are being banned,

在还有的国家，宗教类的肉食是被禁止的，

as we speak.

就在此刻。

And on the flip side,

就另一方面来说，

we have transnational Islamist extremists

我们也有跨国境的伊斯兰极端主义分子

doing the same thing across their own societies.

在他们的社会里做着同样的事情。

And so they are pockets of parochialism that are being connected

这些偏隘地区的人被联系在了一起

in a way that makes them feel like they are mainstream.

这种联系使他们感觉他们其实才是主流。

Now that never would have been possible before.

尤其是现在，这种情况以前几乎是不可能的。

They would have felt isolated,

他们感到被孤立，被隔离，

until these sorts of technologies came around

直到这些先进技术的到来

and connected them in a way

把他们联系在一起

that made them feel part of a larger phenomenon.

使其感觉自己是大众现象的一部分。

Where does that leave democracy aspirants?

这种现象给那些有抱负的民主家们留下了什么？

Well I believe they're getting left far behind.

我相信他们被远远的落下了。

And I'll give you an example here at this stage.

我在这里也会举个例子。

If any of you remembers the Christmas Day bomb plot:

不知你们是否记得圣诞节爆炸案：

there's a man called Anwar al-Awlaki.

有一个人叫安瓦尔·奥拉基。

As an American citizen, ethnically a Yemeni,

是一个美国市民，也是也门人

in hiding currently in Yemen,

藏身于也门，

who inspired a Nigerian,

他激励了一个尼日利亚人，

son of the head of Nigeria's national bank.

一位尼日利亚银行领头者的儿子。

This Nigerian student studied in London, trained in Yemen,

这位尼日利亚学生在伦敦上学，在也门受训，

boarded a flight in Amsterdam to attack America.

他登上了一架起飞于阿姆斯特丹的航班，计划攻击美国。

In the meanwhile,

同时，

the Old mentality with a capital O,

老论派，有着陈旧的观念

was represented by his father, the head of the Nigerian bank,

是由这个学生的父亲，尼日利亚银行的领头人，所代表的

warning the CIA that his own son was about to attack,

他警示了美国中央情报局说他的儿子即将袭击

and this warning fell on deaf ears.

然而对于这个警告，中情局充耳不闻

The Old mentality with a capital O,

有着陈旧观念的老论派

as represented by the nation-state,

正如民族国家所代表的，

not yet fully into the age of behavior,

没有完全踏入行为时代，

not recognizing the power of transnational social movements,

更没有意识到跨国社会运动的力量，

got left behind.

他们被落下了。

And the Christmas Day bomber almost succeeded

最后圣诞节轰炸者几乎成功的

in attacking the United States of America.

袭击了美国。

Again with the example of the far right:

这也是个极度右倾的例子：

that we find, ironically,

很讽刺地，我们发现，

xenophobic nationalists

恐外的民族主义者

are utilizing the benefits of globalization.

却在利用全球化所带来的好处。

So why are they succeeding?

他们为什么成功？

And why are democracy aspirants falling behind?

为什么有抱负的民主份子却被赶超？

Well we need to understand the power of the social movements who understand this.

我们首先需要了解社会运动的力量来真正了解这个问题

And a social movement is comprised, in my view,

以我的观点，一个社会运动包含

it's comprised of four main characteristics.

四个主要的特征。

It's comprised of ideas and narratives

它是由概念，名目

and symbols and leaders.

象征，和领导者组成的。

I'll talk you through one example,

我会用一个例子来详细解释，

and that's the example that everyone here will be aware of,

这个例子在座的各位都耳熟能详，

and that's the example of Al-Qaeda.

就是基地组织。

If I asked you to think of the ideas of Al-Qaeda,

如果我让你想一想基地组织的概念，

that's something that comes to your mind immediately.

就是提到基地组织你能马上想到的。

If I ask you to think of their narratives --

我如果我让你考虑这个组织的名目及起事理由--

the West being at war with Islam, the need to defend Islam against the West --

西方国家在和伊斯兰国家斗争，需要保卫伊斯兰国家，反抗西方列强--

these narratives, they come to your mind immediately.

你可以迅速的想到这些起事理由。

Incidentally, the difference between ideas and narratives:

顺便说一下，概念和起事理由的区别是：

the idea is the cause that one believes in;

概念是一个人相信这个组织的原因；

and the narrative is the way to sell that cause --

而起事理由是一种推销这个原因的方式--

the propaganda, if you like, of the cause.

政治宣传，如果你喜欢，可以这样说。

So the ideas and the narratives of Al-Qaeda come to your mind immediately.

这样基地组织的概念和故事就马上浮现在你的脑海里。

If I ask you to think of their symbols and their leaders,

如果我问你他们的象征和他们的领导者，

they come to your mind immediately.

你也能立刻想到。

One of their leaders was killed in Pakistan recently.

他们领导者中之一最近在巴基斯坦被杀死了。

So these symbols and these leaders

这些象征和领导人

come to your mind immediately.

你都能很快的想到。

And that's the power of social movements.

而这就是社会运动的力量。

They're transnational, and they bond around these ideas and narratives

他们无国界，他们也和概念，名目，

and these symbols and these leaders.

象征，和领导者紧密相连。

However,

然而，

if I ask your minds to focus currently on Pakistan,

如果我让你把注意力集中到巴基斯坦上，

and I ask you to think

并且让你思考

of the symbols and the leaders for democracy

那些民主主义的象征和领导者

in Pakistan today,

在今天的巴基斯坦，

you'll be hard pressed

你会觉得压力很大

to think beyond perhaps

尤其是当你所想超越了

the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

被暗杀的贝布托。

Which means, by definition,

它意味着，从定义上讲，

that particular leader no longer exists.

这个领导人不再存在了。

One of the problems we're facing is, in my view,

我们正在面对的问题之一是，以我的观点看，

that there are no globalized,

目前没有全球化的

youth-led, grassroots social movements

年轻人主导的，基层的社会运动

advocating for democratic culture

来提倡一种民主文化

across Muslim-majority societies.

尤其是在穆斯林多数的社会中。

There is no equivalent of the Al-Qaeda, without the terrorism,

在以穆斯林为主的社会中，没有恐怖组织，没有能和基地组织势均力敌的，

for democracy across Muslim-majority societies.

的民主组织。

There are no ideas and narratives and leaders and symbols

更没有概念，名目，领导人，和象征

advocating the democratic culture on the ground.

从基层起提倡民主文化。

So that begs the next question.

，

Why is it that extremist organizations,

为什么是极端分子组织，

whether of the far-right or of the Islamist extremism --

不管是极度右倾，或者是伊斯兰极端分子--

Islamism meaning those who wish to impose

伊斯兰分子是指那些想强加一种伊斯兰教义

one version of Islam over the rest of society --

于社会上的其他人--

why is it that they are succeeding

为什么他们成功了

in organizing in a globalized way,

特别是在以一种全球化的方式组织起义上，

whereas those who aspire to democratic culture

当那些追求民主文化的人

are falling behind?

被远远落下？

And I believe that's for four reasons.

我相信事之至此有四个原因。

I believe, number one, it's complacency.

第一，是自满。

Because those who aspire to democratic culture

因为那些追求民主文化的人

are in power,

大多是掌权者，

or have societies

亦或是位高权重的社团

that are leading globalized, powerful societies,

领导着全球化的，有力度的社会，

powerful countries.

乃至强大的国家。

And that level of complacency means

这种程度的自满意味着

they don't feel the need to advocate for that culture.

他们不觉得需要提倡这种文化。

The second, I believe,

第二点，我相信，

is political correctness.

是有关政治的正确性。

That we have a hesitation

我们一直悬而未决

in espousing the universality of democratic culture

在支持民主文化的普及方面，

because we are associating that --

因为我们自然地把它关联到--

we associate believing in the universality of our values --

我们把相信普及我们的价值观--

with extremists.

于极端主义分子，联系了起来。

Yet actually, whenever we talk about human rights,

然而实际上，无论何时当我们谈到人权，

we do say that human rights are universal.

我们确实说人权是全世界一致的。

But actually going out to propagate that view

但一旦设法去宣传这种观念

is associated with either neoconservativism

这种行为就被和新保守主义

or with Islamist extremism.

或伊斯兰极端主义联系到了一起。

To go around saying that I believe

去四处宣传说我相信

democratic culture is the best that we've arrived at

民主文化是我们所实现的最好

as a form of political organizing

以这种舆论来组织政治活动

is associated with extremism.

往往被和极端主义联系起来。

And the third,

第三点，

democratic choice in Muslim-majority societies

在穆斯林多数的社会，民主选择

has been relegated to a political choice,

被归入到政治选择中

meaning political parties

这意味着，政党

in many of these societies

在这些社会中

ask people to vote for them

会让人们为他们投票

as the democratic party,

作为民主党派，

but then the other parties ask them to vote for them

然而这时会有其他的党派让人们也为他们投票

as the military party --

作为军党--

wanting to rule by military dictatorship.

试图以军力独裁来统治。

And then you have a third party saying,

这时又会有第三种党派站出来说，

"Vote for us; we'll establish a theocracy."

“给我们投票吧，我们会建立一个神权政体。”

So democracy has become merely one political choice

正因如此，民主主义不过成为了一个政治性选择

among many other forms

在这个社会中诸多其他形式的

of political choices available in those societies.

政治选择中的一个.

And what happens as a result of this

作为结果的是

is, when those parties are elected,

当这些党派被选举出来

and inevitably they fail,

然后不可避免的失败了,

or inevitably they make political mistakes,

或者不可避免的犯了政治性错误,

democracy takes the blame

民主主义成为了千夫所指的对象

for their political mistakes.

为他们的政治错误.

And then people say, "We've tried democracy. It doesn't really work.

然后人们就会说：“我们尝试了民主主义，它并不适合我们。”

Let's bring the military back again."

“我们还是继续用军统吧。”

And the fourth reason, I believe,

第四个理由，我相信是

is what I've labeled here on the slide as the ideology of resistance.

在此幻灯片上我称它为阻力的意识形态。

What I mean by that is,

我想表达的意思是，

if the world superpower today was a communist,

如果这个世界当今的超级大国是一个共产主义国家，

it would be much easier for democracy activists

那么对于民主倡导者就会更容易的

to use democracy activism

使用民主激进主义

as a form of resistance against colonialism,

作为对抗殖民主义的阻力，

than it is today with the world superpower being America,

相比之下，如今世界的强国是美国，

occupying certain lands

占领了某些土地

and also espousing democratic ideals.

也同时支持着民主的理想。

So roughly these four reasons

这样看来，粗略的说这四个理由

make it a lot more difficult for democratic culture to spread

使民主文化的扩散变得越来越困难

as a civilizational choice,

尤其是作为一种文明的抉择，

not merely as a political choice.

而不仅仅是一种政治的选择。

When talking about those reasons,

当我们谈到这些理由时，

let's break down certain preconceptions.

我们应该先打破某些先入概念。

Is it just about grievances?

仅仅是关于冤屈不满么？

Is it just about a lack of education?

仅仅是关于缺少教育么？

Well statistically,

统计上表明，

the majority of those who join extremist organizations are highly educated.

大多数加入极端分子组织的人都有很高的教育程度。

Statistically, they are educated, on average,

统计上说，他们平均的受教育程度

above the education levels

要高于西方社会的

of Western society.

教育程度。

Anecdotally, we can demonstrate

举例来说，我们可以证实

that if poverty was the only factor,

贫穷是否是唯一的因素，

well Bin Laden is from one of the richest families in Saudi Arabia.

本拉登是来自沙特阿拉伯最富有的国家之一。

His deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, was a pediatrician --

他的副手，扎瓦西里，是一名儿科医生--

not an ill-educated man.

而不是缺乏教育的人。

International aid and development has been going on for years,

近几年国际援助和发展都在继续着，

but extremism in those societies, in many of those societies,

但是在这些社会中的极端主义，

has been on the rise.

都在迅速发展。

And what I believe is missing

我坚信缺少的

is genuine grassroots activism

是真正的基层运动

on the ground,

尤其是在前线，

in addition to international aid,

除了国际援助以外，

in addition to education, in addition to health.

除了教育，除了健康。

Not exclusive to these things, but in addition to them,

不是独立于这些，而是和它们并存的

is propagating a genuine demand for democracy on the ground.

是宣传对基层民主主义的真正需求。

And this is where I believe

我相信这也是

neoconservatism had it upside-down.

后保守主义出现本末倒置之处。

Neoconservatism had the philosophy

后保守主义的理念是

that you go in with a supply-led approach

你由一个供给引领的途径着手

to impose democratic values from the top down.

由高层到基层的施加民主价值观。

Whereas Islamists and far-right organizations, for decades,

然而伊斯兰分子和极度右倾组织，历经几十年，

have been building demand for their ideology on the grassroots.

逐步的构建他们对基层思想意识的需求。

They've been building civilizational demand for their values

他们构建了对他们所崇尚价值观的文明需求

on the grassroots,

特别是在基层，

and we've been seeing those societies slowly transition

我们也看到了这些社会的缓慢转型

to societies that are increasingly asking for

成为对某种伊斯兰主义逐渐需求的

a form of Islamism.

社会体制。

Mass movements in Pakistan

巴基斯坦的群众运动

have been represented after the Arab uprisings

在阿拉伯起义后，主要由

mainly by organizations

声称要构建某种神权政体

claiming for some form of theocracy,

的组织所代表，

rather than for a democratic uprising.

而不是代表一种民主起义。

Because since pre-partition,

因为从预分割时期开始，

they've been building demand for their ideology on the ground.

他们就一直致力于在基层构建对他们思想体系的需求。

And what's needed is a genuine transnational

其中最需要的就是一种真实的跨国境的

youth-led movement

青年人引领的运动

that works to actively advocate

能够积极的推崇

for the democratic culture --

民主文化--

which is necessarily more

必然

than just elections.

不仅仅是选举。

But without freedom of speech, you can't have free and fair elections.

但是没有言论自由，也就不会出现自由公正的选举。

Without human rights, you don't have the protection granted to you to campaign.

没有人权，你就不会有去竞选的保障。

Without freedom of belief,

没有信仰自由，

you don't have the right to join organizations.

你不会有参加组织的权利。

So what's needed is those organizations on the ground

因此，我们需要的是那些在一线的组织

advocating for the democratic culture itself

推崇民主文化

to create the demand on the ground for this culture.

从而在这些地区引起对这种文化的需求。

What that will do

这样就可以

is avoid the problem I was talking about earlier,

避免我先前谈到的问题，

where currently we have political parties presenting democracy

特别是当前那些代表民主主义的政党

as merely a political choice in those societies

在那些社会里只是一种政治选择

alongside other choices

和其他的选择一起

such as military rule and theocracy.

例如军事统治和神权政治。

Whereas if we start building this demand on the ground on a civilizational level,

然而如果我们可以从文明水平在基层极度构建这种需求，

rather than merely on a political level,

不是仅仅从政治水平，

a level above politics --

从一个高于政治的水平--

movements that are not political parties,

不是有关政党的运动，

but are rather creating this civilizational demand

而是创造这种文明需求

for this democratic culture.

这种民主文化的运动

What we'll have in the end

我们最后会拥有的

is this ideal that you see on the slide here --

会是你们可以在这个幻灯片上看到的理想情况

the ideal that people should vote in an existing democracy,

一种人们可以在民主中投票

not for a democracy.

而不是为了民主投票的理想

But to get to that stage,

但是为了达到那个阶段

where democracy builds the fabric of society

民主建立于社会构造

and the political choices within that fabric,

和构造中的政治选择之上，

but are certainly not theocratic and military dictatorship --

但肯定不是神权政体和军事独裁--

i.e. you're voting in a democracy,

比如说，你在民主中投票，

in an existing democracy,

在一个现存的民主体制中，

and that democracy is not merely one of the choices at the ballot box.

这种民主不仅仅是投票箱中的选择之一。

To get to that stage,

为了达到那个阶段，

we genuinely need to start building demand

我们实着需要开始构建那些基层的社会里

in those societies on the ground.

的需求。

Now to conclude, how does that happen?

现在总结一下，这是如何发生的？

Well, Egypt is a good starting point.

埃及是一个很好的出发点。

The Arab uprisings have demonstrated that this is already beginning.

阿拉伯起义证实了这一切已经开始。

But what happened in the Arab uprisings and what happened in Egypt

但发生在阿拉伯起义和埃及的情况

was particularly cathartic for me.

却独独对我起了净化的作用。

What happened there was a political coalition

发生在那里的情况是一场政治联合

gathered together for a political goal,

为了一个政治目的聚集在一起，

and that was to remove the leader.

目的是推翻领导者。

We need to move one step beyond that now.

我们现在需要采取进一步的行动。

We need to see how we can help those societies

我们需要了解如何才能帮助那些社会

move from political coalitions,

从政治联合，

loosely based political coalitions,

非常松散的政治联合，

to civilizational coalitions

改变成文明的联合

that are working for the ideals and narratives

能为基层的民主文化的

of the democratic culture on the ground.

理想和名目而效力。

Because it's not enough to remove a leader

因为这对于推翻一名领导者

or ruler or dictator.

统治者，或是独裁者来说还不够。

That doesn't guarantee that what comes next

因它无法保证接下来的

will be a society built on democratic values.

将会是一个建立于民主价值上的社会。

But generally, the trends that start in Egypt

但总的来说，起始于埃及的趋势

have historically spread across the MENA region,

历史性的席卷了MENA地区，

the Middle East and North Africa region.

中东和北非地区。

So when Arab socialism started in Egypt, it spread across the region.

因此当阿拉伯社会主义在埃及兴起的时候，传遍了那个地区。

In the '80s and '90s when Islamism started in the region,

在80和90年代，当伊斯兰主义在那个地区兴起的时候,

it spread across the MENA region as a whole.

就席卷了中东北美地区全部。

And the aspiration that we have at the moment --

我们当下渴望的是--

as young Arabs are proving today

就如年轻阿拉伯人今天所证实的

and instantly rebranding themselves

即刻重新定位了他们自己

as being prepared to die for more than just terrorism --

准备好不仅仅是为恐怖主义捐躯--

is that there is a chance

就是有一个机会

that democratic culture can start in the region

可以使民主文化在该地区发展壮大

and spread across to the rest of the countries that are surrounding that.

传遍周边国家。

But that will require

但那会需要

helping these societies transition

我们帮助这些社会从

from having merely political coalitions

仅仅有政治联合

to building genuinely grassroots-based social movements

过渡到创建真正的基层社会运动

that advocate for the democratic culture.

来推崇民主文化。

And we've made a start for that in Pakistan

我们已经从巴基斯坦开始开展

with a movement called Khudi,

一项运动，称为Khudi，

where we are working on the ground to encourage the youth

在那里，我们在基层致力于鼓励年轻人

to create genuine buy-in for the democratic culture.

建立对民主文化的真正认同。

And it's with that thought that I'll end.

我将以这个想法作为结尾。

And my time is up, and thank you for your time.

今天就讲到这了，感谢各位的参与。

(Applause)

（鼓掌）