Maajid Nawaz: A global culture to fight extremism

譯者: Ana Choi 審譯者: Sunny Kan Ngai Hang

Have you ever wondered

你有沒有想過

why extremism seems to have been on the rise in Muslim-majority countries

為什麼在過去十年歷程在穆斯林佔多數的國家

over the course of the last decade?

極端主義似乎有上升？

Have you ever wondered

你有沒有想過

how such a situation can be turned around?

這樣的情況如何可以翻轉？

Have you ever looked at the Arab uprisings

你有沒有在看阿拉伯起義時

and thought, "How could we have predicted that?"

想著: 「我們怎樣能預測這件事情呢？」

or "How could we have better prepared for that?"

或「我們怎麼能更充分的準備呢？」

Well my personal story, my personal journey,

那麼這是我個人的故事，我個人的旅程，

what brings me to the TED stage here today,

是為什麼我今天在TED這裡，

is a demonstration of exactly what's been happening

準確演示在在過去至少幾十年

in Muslim-majority countries

或甚至更長時間內

over the course of the last decades, at least, and beyond.

穆斯林佔多數的國家發生過什麼。

I want to share some of that story with you,

我想與你分享一些故事，

but also some of my ideas around change

並且也有一些我認為轉變的想法

and the role of social movements in creating change

及社會運動對改變

in Muslim-majority societies.

穆斯林佔多數社會的角色。

So let me begin

如果我可以放任發揮,

by first of all giving a very, very brief history of time,

讓我首先給你的一個

if I may indulge.

非常非常濃縮的歷史簡介。

In medieval societies there were defined allegiances.

在中世紀社會中忠誠是有定義的。

An identity was defined

一個身份的定義

primarily by religion.

主要是來自宗教。

And then we moved on into an era in the 19th century

然後我們就進入在19世紀時代

with the rise of a European nation-state

歐洲民族國家的身份

where identities and allegiances were defined

和忠誠的定義

by ethnicity.

是來自種族。

So identity was primarily defined by ethnicity,

因此，種族主要是界定身份，

and the nation-state reflected that.

而國家民族也反映如同。

In the age of globalization, we moved on.

在全球化時代，我們繼續前行。

I call it the era of citizenship --

我把它稱為公民的時代 --

where people could be from multi-racial, multi-ethnic backgrounds,

人們可以從多種族化，多民族化的背景，

but all be equal as citizens

但都被視為一個國家

in a state.

的平等公民。

You could be American-Italian; you could be American-Irish;

你可能是美國的意大利人，你可能是美國的愛爾蘭人，

you could be British-Pakistani.

你可能是英國巴基斯坦人。

But I believe now

但我相信現在

that we're moving into a new age,

我們正在進入一個新的時代，

and that age The New York Times dubbed recently

而且最近這個時代被紐約時報

as "the age of behavior."

稱為「 行為的時代」。

How I define the age of behavior

我如何定義行為的時代

is a period of transnational allegiances,

是以一個跨國的忠誠準則，

where identity is defined more so

其中身份的標定是指

by ideas and narratives.

思想和敘事。

And these ideas and narratives that bump people across borders

而這些越來越多的理念和敘事

are increasingly beginning to affect

而簸動人們跨越國界開始影響

the way in which people behave.

人們的行為。

Now this is not all necessarily good news,

這並不一定是個好消息，

because it's also my belief

因為我也相信，

that hatred has gone global

仇恨跟愛一樣

just as much as love.

已經全球化。

But actually it's my belief

但實際上我是相信，

that the people who've been truly capitalizing on this age of behavior,

已經真正把握這種行為的人，

up until now, up until recent times,

到現在為止，直到近代，

up until the last six months,

直到最近6個月，

the people who have been capitalizing most

最能利用

on the age of behavior

行為時代的人們

and the transnational allegiances,

和跨國忠誠，

using digital activism

用激進的數據化

and other sorts of borderless technologies,

和其他各種無國界的技術，

those who've been benefiting from this

那些已經從中受益的

have been extremists.

是極端分子。

And that's something which I'd like to elaborate on.

這便是我想闡述的東西。

If we look at Islamists,

如果我們看一下伊斯蘭主義，

if we look at the phenomenon

如果我們看一下

of far-right fascists,

在極右翼法西斯的現象，

one thing they've been very good at,

他們有一點已經很好，

one thing that they've actually been exceeding in,

他們實際上已經超過這一點，

is communicating across borders,

是跨越國界的通信，

using technologies to organize themselves,

採用技術組織起來，

to propagate their message

傳播他們的信息，

and to create truly global phenomena.

並建立真正的全球性現象。

Now I should know,

現在我應該知道，

because for 13 years of my life,

因為我13年的生活，

I was involved in an extreme Islamist organization.

我是在參與一個極端的伊斯蘭組織。

And I was actually a potent force

而實際上我是一個在傳播

in spreading ideas across borders,

跨越國界的想法的強大力量。

and I witnessed the rise of Islamist extremism

我親眼目睹了伊斯蘭極端主義的興起,

as distinct from Islam the faith,

顯明不同於伊斯蘭教的信仰，

and the way in which it influenced my co-religionists

和影響了我在世界各地教友

across the world.

作為的和方式。

And my story, my personal story,

而我的故事，我個人的故事，

is truly evidence for the age of behavior

是真正的行為時代的證據，

that I'm attempting to elaborate upon here.

我試圖在這裡闡述的憑證。

I was, by the way -- I'm an Essex lad,

順帶一提我 -- 我是個埃塞克斯郡的小伙子，

born and raised in Essex in the U.K.

在埃塞克斯郡出生和成長。

Anyone who's from England

任何人如來自英格蘭

knows the reputation we have from Essex.

都知道我們這些來自埃塞克斯郡的聲譽。

But having been born in Essex,

但出生在埃塞克斯郡,

at the age of 16,

16歲，

I joined an organization.

我加入了一個組織。

At the age of 17, I was recruiting people from Cambridge University

在17歲，我從劍橋大學

to this organization.

招募人員加入這個組織。

At the age of 19,

在19歲，

I was on the national leadership of this organization in the U.K.

我已是成為在英國的國家首領。

At the age of 21, I was co-founding this organization in Pakistan.

在21歲，我在巴基斯坦共同創辦了這個組織。

At the age of 22,

在22歲，

I was co-founding this organization in Denmark.

我在丹麥共同創辦了這個組織。

By the age of 24,

到了24歲，

I found myself convicted in prison in Egypt,

我在埃及被定罪進入監獄裡，

being blacklisted from three countries in the world

在世界上三個國家的黑名單

for attempting to overthrow their governments,

被控企圖推翻他們的政府，

being subjected to torture

在埃及監獄

in Egyptian jails

遭受酷刑，

and sentenced to five years as a prisoner of conscience.

並被判處為一個良心犯五年。

Now that journey,

現在那一個旅程，

and what took me from Essex all the way across the world --

什麼把我從埃塞克斯郡帶到跨越世界--

by the way, we were laughing at democratic activists.

順便說一下，我們在嘲諷民主活動家。

We felt they were from the age of yesteryear.

我們認為那些人是從昔日的時代。

We felt that they were out of date.

我們覺得他們是過時的。

I learned how to use email

我從極端組織

from the extremist organization that I used.

學會了如何使用電子郵件。

I learned how to effectively communicate across borders

我學會了如何有效地跨越國界溝通，

without being detected.

而不被發現。

Eventually I was detected, of course, in Egypt.

當然, 最後我被發現，在埃及。

But the way in which I learned

不過,我學會了

to use technology to my advantage

使用技術盡用優勢，

was because I was within an extremist organization

是因為我是在極端主義組織

that was forced to think beyond

被迫去思考超越

the confines of the nation-state.

民族國家的範圍內。

The age of behavior: where ideas and narratives

行為的年代：越來越多地以思想和說明

were increasingly defining behavior

定義行為,

and identity and allegiances.

身份和忠誠。

So as I said, we looked to the status quo

因此，正如我所說的，我們看到現狀，

and ridiculed it.

而嘲笑它。

And it's not just Islamist extremists that did this.

而且不只是伊斯蘭極端分子這樣做的。

But even if you look across

但是，即使你看如今，

the mood music in Europe of late,

在歐洲極右的法西斯主義的

far-right fascism is also on the rise.

音樂情緒也在上升。

A form of anti-Islam rhetoric

反伊斯蘭言論的形式

is also on the rise

也呈上升趨勢，

and it's transnational.

和跨越國界。

And the consequences that this is having

這後果便是

is that it's affecting the political climate

影響了整個歐洲的

across Europe.

政治氣候。

What's actually happening

實際發生的是，

is that what were previously localized parochialisms,

以前本地化的本位主義，

individual or groupings of extremists

個人或彼此孤立的

who were isolated from one another,

極端分子集團，

have become interconnected in a globalized way

已在一個全球化的方式相互關聯，

and have thus become, or are becoming, mainstream.

並因此成為或正在成為主流。

Because the Internet and connection technologies

由於互聯網連接技術，

are connecting them across the world.

連接世界各地。

If you look at the rise of far-right fascism across Europe of late,

如果你看一下現時在整個歐洲崛起的極右法西斯主義，

you will see some things that are happening

你會看到一些事情正在發生，

that are influencing domestic politics,

影響到國內政治，

yet the phenomenon is transnational.

但這種現象是跨越國界。

In certain countries, mosque minarets are being banned.

在某些國家，清真寺的尖塔被禁止。

In others, headscarves are being banned.

在其他國家，頭巾都被禁止。

In others, kosher and halal meat are being banned,

在其他國家，猶太教和

as we speak.

伊斯蘭教的肉正在被禁止。

And on the flip side,

而在另一面，

we have transnational Islamist extremists

我們有跨國伊斯蘭極端分子

doing the same thing across their own societies.

在其自己的社會做同樣的事情。

And so they are pockets of parochialism that are being connected

所以, 本位主義正在連接的方式

in a way that makes them feel like they are mainstream.

使他們覺得他們是主流。

Now that never would have been possible before.

在以前這個永遠不會有可能。

They would have felt isolated,

他們會感到孤立的，

until these sorts of technologies came around

直到這些技術來臨

and connected them in a way

連接了周圍，

that made them feel part of a larger phenomenon.

使他們覺得是一個大現象的一部分。

Where does that leave democracy aspirants?

民主追求者可以去哪裡？

Well I believe they're getting left far behind.

我相信他們遠遠被拋在後面。

And I'll give you an example here at this stage.

我給你舉個現階段的例子。

If any of you remembers the Christmas Day bomb plot:

如果你記得聖誕節炸彈陰謀：

there's a man called Anwar al-Awlaki.

有一個名Anwar Al-Awlaki的人。

As an American citizen, ethnically a Yemeni,

作為一個美國公民，種族也門，

in hiding currently in Yemen,

目前藏匿在也門，

who inspired a Nigerian,

他激發了一個尼日利亞人，

son of the head of Nigeria's national bank.

尼日利亞國家銀行負責人的兒子。

This Nigerian student studied in London, trained in Yemen,

這個尼日利亞學生在倫敦學習，在也門訓練，

boarded a flight in Amsterdam to attack America.

登上了在阿姆斯特丹的航班襲擊美國。

In the meanwhile,

在此同時，

the Old mentality with a capital O,

一個舊思維的思想，

was represented by his father, the head of the Nigerian bank,

他的父親作為代表--尼日利亞銀行的負責人，

warning the CIA that his own son was about to attack,

警告中央情報局自己兒子的攻擊計劃，

and this warning fell on deaf ears.

但警告置若罔聞。

The Old mentality with a capital O,

一個舊思維的思想，

as represented by the nation-state,

民族國家作為代表，

not yet fully into the age of behavior,

尚未完全融入行為的時代，

not recognizing the power of transnational social movements,

不承認跨國社會運動的力量，

got left behind.

舊的思維被落後。

And the Christmas Day bomber almost succeeded

聖誕節轟炸機幾乎成功地

in attacking the United States of America.

攻擊美國。

Again with the example of the far right:

再與最右端的例子：

that we find, ironically,

我們發現，具有諷刺意味的是，

xenophobic nationalists

仇外的民族主義者

are utilizing the benefits of globalization.

正在利用全球化帶來的好處。

So why are they succeeding?

那麼，為什麼他們成功？

And why are democracy aspirants falling behind?

為什麼民主主義落後。

Well we need to understand the power of the social movements who understand this.

我們需要了解明白社會運動的力量的這一點。

And a social movement is comprised, in my view,

社會運動，在我看來，

it's comprised of four main characteristics.

是由四個主要特點組成。

It's comprised of ideas and narratives

它是以思想, 敘事

and symbols and leaders.

象徵和領導組成。

I'll talk you through one example,

讓我討論一個例子，

and that's the example that everyone here will be aware of,

一個這裡的每一個人都知道的例子，

and that's the example of Al-Qaeda.

那例子便是基地組織。

If I asked you to think of the ideas of Al-Qaeda,

如果我問你你認為基地組織的概念是什麼，

that's something that comes to your mind immediately.

立即便有東西來到你的腦內。

If I ask you to think of their narratives --

如果我問你你認為他們的敘述是什麼 --

the West being at war with Islam, the need to defend Islam against the West --

西方在與伊斯蘭教的戰爭，伊斯蘭對西方捍衛的需要 --

these narratives, they come to your mind immediately.

這些敘事，它們立即來到你的腦內。

Incidentally, the difference between ideas and narratives:

順便說一說，概念和敘述之間的差異：

the idea is the cause that one believes in;

概念是令人相信的原因;

and the narrative is the way to sell that cause --

而敘事便是推銷原因的方式 --

the propaganda, if you like, of the cause.

那就是, 政治宣傳原因。

So the ideas and the narratives of Al-Qaeda come to your mind immediately.

因此基地組織的敘述的概念便立即來到你的腦內。

If I ask you to think of their symbols and their leaders,

如果我要你認出他們的象徵和領導人，

they come to your mind immediately.

他們便立即來到你的腦內。

One of their leaders was killed in Pakistan recently.

他們的領導人之一，最近在巴基斯坦被殺害。

So these symbols and these leaders

因此，這些象徵和這些領導人

come to your mind immediately.

立即來到你的腦內。

And that's the power of social movements.

這便是社會運動的力量。

They're transnational, and they bond around these ideas and narratives

它們是跨國的，它們圍繞這些理念,敘事.

and these symbols and these leaders.

這些象徵和這些領導人。

However,

但是，

if I ask your minds to focus currently on Pakistan,

如果我我要你把重點放在目前的巴基斯坦，

and I ask you to think

要你認出

of the symbols and the leaders for democracy

今天在民主巴基斯坦的

in Pakistan today,

象徵和領導人，

you'll be hard pressed

你便會難於啟齒，

to think beyond perhaps

也許僅是想到

the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

貝娜齊爾•布托遇刺。

Which means, by definition,

這意味著，顧名思義，

that particular leader no longer exists.

即是領導者不再存在。

One of the problems we're facing is, in my view,

在我看來, 我們面臨的問題之一是，

that there are no globalized,

沒有全球化

youth-led, grassroots social movements

青年領導，基層民主文化的社會運動

advocating for democratic culture

倡導跨越穆斯林

across Muslim-majority societies.

佔多數的社會。

There is no equivalent of the Al-Qaeda, without the terrorism,

沒有相當於基地組織水平, 但沒有恐怖主義

for democracy across Muslim-majority societies.

的民主集團跨越整個穆斯林佔多數的社會。

There are no ideas and narratives and leaders and symbols

沒有概念,敘事和領導人

advocating the democratic culture on the ground.

在地面上提倡民主文化。

So that begs the next question.

這便引出下一個問題。

Why is it that extremist organizations,

為什麼極端組織，

whether of the far-right or of the Islamist extremism --

這包括那些無論是極右或伊斯蘭極端主義的 --

Islamism meaning those who wish to impose

伊斯蘭教主義是指那些想

one version of Islam over the rest of society --

施加其餘社會對伊斯蘭教一個版本的人--

why is it that they are succeeding

為什麼他們在一個全球化的

in organizing in a globalized way,

舉辦方式可以成功，

whereas those who aspire to democratic culture

而那些渴望民主文化的

are falling behind?

便落後？

And I believe that's for four reasons.

我認為有四個原因。

I believe, number one, it's complacency.

我相信，第一，便是自滿。

Because those who aspire to democratic culture

因為那些渴望期於民主文化的人

are in power,

都擁有權力，

or have societies

或都駐於

that are leading globalized, powerful societies,

全球化領先的，強大的社會，

powerful countries.

強大的國家的社會。

And that level of complacency means

而該級別的自滿意味著

they don't feel the need to advocate for that culture.

他們不覺得需要倡導這種文化。

The second, I believe,

第二，我相信，

is political correctness.

是政治上的正確性。

That we have a hesitation

我們有一個毫不猶豫地

in espousing the universality of democratic culture

擁護民主文化的普遍性，

because we are associating that --

因為我們是關聯着 --

we associate believing in the universality of our values --

與極端分子 -- 我們贊同相信在我們對價值觀的

with extremists.

普遍性。

Yet actually, whenever we talk about human rights,

然而實際上，當我們談論人權，

we do say that human rights are universal.

我們不會說人權是普遍的。

But actually going out to propagate that view

但實際上是去宣傳這個觀點

is associated with either neoconservativism

是與新保守主義或

or with Islamist extremism.

與伊斯蘭極端主義關聯。

To go around saying that I believe

繞過去說，我相信

democratic culture is the best that we've arrived at

民主文化是最好的，

as a form of political organizing

作為一種政治組織形式，

is associated with extremism.

與極端主義關聯。

And the third,

第三，

democratic choice in Muslim-majority societies

在穆斯林佔多數的的社會中

has been relegated to a political choice,

民主選擇已經退居到一個政治選擇，

meaning political parties

在許多這些社會

in many of these societies

的政黨會要求人們

ask people to vote for them

為他們投票

as the democratic party,

投民主黨，

but then the other parties ask them to vote for them

但其他政黨要求他們為他們投票

as the military party --

投軍隊黨的 --

wanting to rule by military dictatorship.

希望通過軍事獨裁統治。

And then you have a third party saying,

然後有一個第三方的說法，

"Vote for us; we'll establish a theocracy."

「投我們票，我們將建立一個政教合一的黨」。

So democracy has become merely one political choice

因此，民主只成為一個政治選擇，

among many other forms

在這些社會

of political choices available in those societies.

許多其他形式的政治選擇。

And what happens as a result of this

而作為這樣做的結果會發生什麼情況

is, when those parties are elected,

是，當這些黨當選，

and inevitably they fail,

並不可避免地失敗，

or inevitably they make political mistakes,

或者不可避免地犯政治錯誤，

democracy takes the blame

民主主義便成為

for their political mistakes.

犯政治錯誤的靶標。

And then people say, "We've tried democracy. It doesn't really work.

人們會說，「我們已經嘗試民主，但它並沒有真正發揮作用，

Let's bring the military back again."

讓我們帶軍方回來。」

And the fourth reason, I believe,

第四個原因，我相信，

is what I've labeled here on the slide as the ideology of resistance.

是我這裡幻燈片上標有稱為意識形態的阻力。

What I mean by that is,

我是說，

if the world superpower today was a communist,

如果今天的世界超級大國，是一個共產主義，

it would be much easier for democracy activists

民主活動家便會更容易

to use democracy activism

使用民主的激進主義

as a form of resistance against colonialism,

作為反對殖民主義的阻力形式，

than it is today with the world superpower being America,

比它是當今世界的超級大國美國，

occupying certain lands

佔用一定的土地

and also espousing democratic ideals.

但也贊成民主的理想。

So roughly these four reasons

所以這四個方面的原因

make it a lot more difficult for democratic culture to spread

大致做出了不少難度，讓民主文化傳播

as a civilizational choice,

作為一個文明的選擇，

not merely as a political choice.

而不是僅僅作為一種政治選擇。

When talking about those reasons,

談到這些原因時，

let's break down certain preconceptions.

讓我們打破某些先入為主的思路。

Is it just about grievances?

難道僅僅是怨氣嗎？

Is it just about a lack of education?

難道僅僅是缺乏教育嗎？

Well statistically,

統計學指出，

the majority of those who join extremist organizations are highly educated.

那些加入極端組織的大多數都受過高等教育。

Statistically, they are educated, on average,

據統計，他們平均的教育水平

above the education levels

比西方社會

of Western society.

平均教育水平更高。

Anecdotally, we can demonstrate

有趣的是，我們可以證明，

that if poverty was the only factor,

如果貧困是唯一因素，

well Bin Laden is from one of the richest families in Saudi Arabia.

那拉登在沙特阿拉伯是最富有的家庭之一。

His deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, was a pediatrician --

他的副手艾曼•扎瓦希里，是一名兒科醫生 --

not an ill-educated man.

不是一個沒受過教育的人。

International aid and development has been going on for years,

國際援助和發展已持續多年，

but extremism in those societies, in many of those societies,

但這些社會中的極端主義，在這些許多社會中，

has been on the rise.

一直在上升。

And what I believe is missing

我相信真正失踪的是

is genuine grassroots activism

激進的

on the ground,

地面基層，

in addition to international aid,

除了國際援助，

in addition to education, in addition to health.

除了教育，除了健康。

Not exclusive to these things, but in addition to them,

這些東西不是排他性的，但除了他們，

is propagating a genuine demand for democracy on the ground.

便是在地面上傳播民主的真正需求。

And this is where I believe

這是我認為

neoconservatism had it upside-down.

新保守主義已經倒了。

Neoconservatism had the philosophy

新保守主義的理念，

that you go in with a supply-led approach

是要你去供應一個為主導的的做法，

to impose democratic values from the top down.

在從最頂部徵收民主價值。

Whereas Islamists and far-right organizations, for decades,

而伊斯蘭主義和極右組織，幾十年來，

have been building demand for their ideology on the grassroots.

已在基層為他們的思想建設需求。

They've been building civilizational demand for their values

他們一直在基層建設他們對價值觀

on the grassroots,

的文明需求，

and we've been seeing those societies slowly transition

我們已經看到這些社會慢慢過渡到

to societies that are increasingly asking for

正越來越多地要求

a form of Islamism.

伊斯蘭教社會的形式。

Mass movements in Pakistan

由阿拉伯起義後,

have been represented after the Arab uprisings

在巴基斯坦已有一些聲稱表示

mainly by organizations

政教合一形式的組織

claiming for some form of theocracy,

群眾運動,

rather than for a democratic uprising.

而不是主要民主起義。

Because since pre-partition,

因為自從分區前，

they've been building demand for their ideology on the ground.

他們已經為他們在地面上的意識形態的需求建設。

And what's needed is a genuine transnational

我們需要的是一個真正的跨國

youth-led movement

青年為主導的運動，

that works to actively advocate

積極倡導

for the democratic culture --

民主文化 --

which is necessarily more

這是必然

than just elections.

不只是選舉。

But without freedom of speech, you can't have free and fair elections.

但是，如果沒有言論自由，你沒有自由和公正的選舉。

Without human rights, you don't have the protection granted to you to campaign.

沒有人權，你沒有向你授予保護的競選活動。

Without freedom of belief,

沒有信仰自由，

you don't have the right to join organizations.

你沒有參加組織的權利。

So what's needed is those organizations on the ground

所以我們需要的是這些地面上的

advocating for the democratic culture itself

組織倡導民主文化的本身

to create the demand on the ground for this culture.

創造這種文化的需求。

What that will do

那會做的是

is avoid the problem I was talking about earlier,

避免我早先提到的問題，

where currently we have political parties presenting democracy

目前我們已經呈現的政治選擇，

as merely a political choice in those societies

只是在這些社會

alongside other choices

旁邊其他的選擇，

such as military rule and theocracy.

如軍事統治和政教合一的社會民主政黨。

Whereas if we start building this demand on the ground on a civilizational level,

而如果我們開始在地面上建立需求，在這一個文明的水平，

rather than merely on a political level,

而不是僅僅在政治層面，

a level above politics --

比政治更高水平 --

movements that are not political parties,

不是政黨的運動，

but are rather creating this civilizational demand

而是創造這種文明的

for this democratic culture.

民主文化需求。

What we'll have in the end

我們在最後，

is this ideal that you see on the slide here --

便會在這裡的幻燈片看到這個理想 --

the ideal that people should vote in an existing democracy,

在現有的民主社會人應該的理想，

not for a democracy.

而不是一個民主國家的投票。

But to get to that stage,

但要到那個階段，

where democracy builds the fabric of society

要在民主基礎的社會結構，

and the political choices within that fabric,

並在該結構內縫着的政治選擇，

but are certainly not theocratic and military dictatorship --

但肯定不是神權政治和軍事獨裁 --

i.e. you're voting in a democracy,

即是你在現有的民主

in an existing democracy,

投票民主，

and that democracy is not merely one of the choices at the ballot box.

而民主不只是在投票箱中的選擇之一。

To get to that stage,

要獲得這個階段，

we genuinely need to start building demand

我們需要真正開始建設在地面上，

in those societies on the ground.

在這些社會的需求上開始。

Now to conclude, how does that happen?

現在結論，請問是怎麼發呢？

Well, Egypt is a good starting point.

那麼，埃及是一個很好的起點。

The Arab uprisings have demonstrated that this is already beginning.

阿拉伯起義已經證明，這是已經開始。

But what happened in the Arab uprisings and what happened in Egypt

但在阿拉伯起義發生的，並在埃及發生的事情

was particularly cathartic for me.

對我來說是特別令我頓悟。

What happened there was a political coalition

在那裡發生了一個政治聯盟

gathered together for a political goal,

聚集在一起因為政治目標，

and that was to remove the leader.

便是消除領導。

We need to move one step beyond that now.

現在我們需要超越這一步。

We need to see how we can help those societies

我們需要看到我們如何能幫助那些社會

move from political coalitions,

擺脫政治聯盟，

loosely based political coalitions,

那些鬆散的政治聯盟，

to civilizational coalitions

到達在地面上工作理想

that are working for the ideals and narratives

和民主文化的

of the democratic culture on the ground.

文明聯盟。

Because it's not enough to remove a leader

因為它不僅是消除一個領導者或

or ruler or dictator.

統治者或獨裁者。

That doesn't guarantee that what comes next

這並不保證，接下來將是一個

will be a society built on democratic values.

建立在民主價值觀的社會。

But generally, the trends that start in Egypt

但一般來說，在埃及開始的趨勢

have historically spread across the MENA region,

在歷史上會蔓延整個中東和北非地區，

the Middle East and North Africa region.

中東和北非地區。

So when Arab socialism started in Egypt, it spread across the region.

因此，在埃及的阿拉伯社會主義開始時，它在該地區蔓延。

In the '80s and '90s when Islamism started in the region,

在80年代和90年代伊斯蘭教在該地區開始，

it spread across the MENA region as a whole.

遍布中東和北非地區整體。

And the aspiration that we have at the moment --

在這一刻我們的願望是--

as young Arabs are proving today

今天作為年輕的阿拉伯人都證明到,

and instantly rebranding themselves

亦更立即為自己名

as being prepared to die for more than just terrorism --

準備以死亡為不僅僅是恐怖主義 --

is that there is a chance

而是，若有一個機會，

that democratic culture can start in the region

民主文化可以在該地區開始

and spread across to the rest of the countries that are surrounding that.

和遍布到周圍其他國家。

But that will require

但這需要

helping these societies transition

幫助這些社會轉型，

from having merely political coalitions

從單純的政治聯盟，

to building genuinely grassroots-based social movements

到真正的基層基礎建設，

that advocate for the democratic culture.

社會運動，倡導民主文化。

And we've made a start for that in Pakistan

我們已經在巴基斯坦取得了為開始，

with a movement called Khudi,

稱為 Khudi的一個運動，

where we are working on the ground to encourage the youth

我們在地面上工作，以鼓勵青年

to create genuine buy-in for the democratic culture.

創造真正的民主文化的影響。

And it's with that thought that I'll end.

而我會便以這念頭結束我的演說。

And my time is up, and thank you for your time.

我的時間到了終止，謝謝你的時間。

(Applause)

(掌聲)