Karima Bennoune: The side of terrorism that doesn't make headlines

譯者: Marssi Draw 審譯者: Adrienne Lin

Could I protect my father

我能保護父親

from the Armed Islamic Group with a paring knife?

免受伊斯蘭武裝組織傷害， 就憑一支水果刀嗎？

That was the question I faced

這是我曾面對的問題，

one Tuesday morning in June of 1993,

那是 1993 年 6 月某個星期二的早晨，

when I was a law student.

當時我還是法律系學生。

I woke up early that morning

那天早上我起得早，

in Dad's apartment

我在父親的公寓裡，

on the outskirts of Algiers, Algeria,

在阿爾及利亞的阿爾及爾郊區，

to an unrelenting pounding on the front door.

前門不斷傳來重擊聲。

It was a season as described by a local paper

地方報形容這個季節

when every Tuesday a scholar fell

每週二都會有位學者

to the bullets of fundamentalist assassins.

死在基本教義派刺客的子彈下。

My father's university teaching of Darwin

我父親在大學教的達爾文課程

had already provoked a classroom visit

激怒了一位旁聽者，

from the head of the so-called Islamic Salvation Front,

他來自所謂的伊斯蘭拯救陣線總部，

who denounced Dad as an advocate of biologism

譴責我父親是生物中心論的擁護者之後，

before Dad had ejected the man,

我父親才將他趕出教室。

and now whoever was outside

而現在不管門外站的是誰，

would neither identify himself nor go away.

他都不會表明身分，也不會離開。

So my father tried to get the police on the phone,

我父親試著打電話叫警察，

but perhaps terrified by the rising tide

但也許警察被高漲的情勢嚇到，

of armed extremism that had already claimed

因為武裝極端主義已經奪去

the lives of so many Algerian officers,

非常多阿爾及利亞警官的性命，

they didn't even answer.

沒有人接聽電話。

And that was when I went to the kitchen,

那時我去廚房，

got out a paring knife,

拿出一支水果刀，

and took up a position inside the entryway.

在大門前擺好姿勢。

It was a ridiculous thing to do, really,

其實做這件事很蠢，

but I couldn't think of anything else,

但我想不到還能做什麼，

and so there I stood.

只好就站在那。

When I look back now, I think that that was the moment

現在回過頭看，我想就是那一刻

that set me on the path was to writing a book

讓我決定寫一本書，

called "Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here:

書名是《你的伊斯蘭教令不適用於此：

Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism."

對抗伊斯蘭教基本教義派 不為人知的故事》。

The title comes from a Pakistani play.

標題源自於巴基斯坦戲劇。

I think it was actually that moment

我想正是那個時刻

that sent me on the journey

讓我展開一段旅程，

to interview 300 people of Muslim heritage

訪問三百位穆斯林出身的人，

from nearly 30 countries,

他們來自三十個國家，

from Afghanistan to Mali,

從阿富汗到馬利，

to find out how they fought fundamentalism

我找出他們如何 和平對抗基本教義派，

peacefully like my father did,

就跟我父親一樣，

and how they coped with the attendant risks.

以及他們如何設法解決 伴隨而來的風險。

Luckily, back in June of 1993,

幸運的是，1993 年 6 月

our unidentified visitor went away,

那位未表明身分的訪客離開了，

but other families were so much less lucky,

但其他家庭可沒那麼幸運，

and that was the thought that motivated my research.

就是這個想法驅使我做研究。

In any case, someone would return

無論是哪種情況， 幾個月後都會有人回來，

a few months later and leave a note

在我父親的餐桌上留張紙條，

on Dad's kitchen table,

which simply said, "Consider yourself dead."

上面寫著：「準備幫自己辦後事。」

Subsequently, Algeria's fundamentalist armed groups

隨後，阿爾及利亞的 基本教義派武裝團體

would murder as many as 200,000 civilians

謀殺二十萬名老百姓，

in what came to be known

這是後來我們所知

as the dark decade of the 1990s,

1990 年代的黑暗十年，

including every single one

亡者包括你在這裡可以 看到的每一位女性。

of the women that you see here.

In its harsh counterterrorist response,

而在嚴酷的反恐對策中，

the state resorted to torture

政府訴諸酷刑與強迫失蹤，

and to forced disappearances,

and as terrible as all of these events became,

和這些事件一樣恐怖的是

the international community largely ignored them.

國際間大多忽視他們。

Finally, my father, an Algerian peasant's son turned professor,

最後，我的父親， 身為教授的阿爾及利亞農民之子，

was forced to stop teaching at the university

被迫停止在大學教書，

and to flee his apartment,

並要他的從公寓消失，

but what I will never forget

但我永遠忘不了的是

about Mahfoud Bennoune, my dad,

馬福．班努尼，我的父親，

was that like so many other Algerian intellectuals,

就像許多阿爾及利亞的知識分子一樣

he refused to leave the country

拒絕離開祖國，

and he continued to publish pointed criticisms,

而且他持續發表尖銳評論，

both of the fundamentalists

他們與基本教義派作戰，

and sometimes of the government they battled.

也不時與政府作戰。

For example, in a November 1994 series

例如《國家報》1994 年 11 月的系列報導

in the newspaper El Watan

entitled "How Fundamentalism

題為＜基本教義派如何 無先例地製造出恐怖主義＞

Produced a Terrorism without Precedent,"

he denounced what he called

他譴責所謂的

the terrorists' radical break with the true Islam

恐怖主義激進分子破壞了

as it was lived by our ancestors.

長久以來先民遵循的伊斯蘭真理。

These were words that could get you killed.

這些字眼可能會讓你喪命。

My father's country taught me

我父親的祖國教我，

in that dark decade of the 1990s that

在那黑暗的 90 年代，

the popular struggle against Muslim fundamentalism

扺抗穆斯林基本教義派的浪潮

is one of the most important

是世界上最重要

and overlooked human rights struggles

且被忽視的人權抗爭之一，

in the world.

This remains true today, nearly 20 years later.

即使將近二十年後的今日仍是如此。

You see, in every country

你看，不管在哪個國家

where you hear about armed jihadis

你都會聽到武裝聖戰者

targeting civilians,

針對平民百姓，

there are also unarmed people

也有很多手無寸鐵的人民

defying those militants that you don't hear about,

公然反抗那些激進分子，只是你沒聽過，

and those people need our support to succeed.

那些人需要我們的支持才能成功。

In the West, it's often assumed

西方國家通常都認為

that Muslims generally condone terrorism.

穆斯林普遍都會容忍恐怖行動。

Some on the right think this because they view

有些右翼者這樣想是因為他們認為

Muslim culture as inherently violent,

伊斯蘭教文化與生俱來就很暴力，

and some on the left imagine this

有些左翼者這樣想是因為

because they view Muslim violence,

他們認為穆斯林暴力、

fundamentalist violence,

基本教義派的暴力，

solely as a product of legitimate grievances.

完全是合理的怨憤產物。

But both views are dead wrong.

但這兩種觀點都大錯特錯。

In fact, many people of Muslim heritage

事實上許多生來就是伊斯蘭教徒的人

around the world are staunch opponents

在世界各地都堅決反對

both of fundamentalism and of terrorism,

基本主義和恐怖主義，

and often for very good reason.

而且通常都有很好的理由。

You see, they're much more likely to be victims

你看，他們更像是暴力受害者，

of this violence than its perpetrators.

而非加害者。

Let me just give you one example.

我舉個例子。

According to a 2009 survey

根據一份 2009 年

of Arabic language media resources,

阿拉伯語的媒體調查，

between 2004 and 2008,

在 2004 年到 2008 年間，

no more than 15 percent of al Qaeda's victims

蓋達組織的受害者中，不到 15%

were Westerners.

是歐美人。

That's a terrible toll, but the vast majority

那是很恐怖的死亡人數，

但大多數人生下來就是穆斯林，

were people of Muslim heritage,

killed by Muslim fundamentalists.

卻被穆斯林基本主義者所殺害。

Now I've been talking for the last five minutes

我已經談了五分鐘基本教義派，

about fundamentalism, and you have a right to know

而你們有權知道

exactly what I mean.

我真正要傳達的意思。

I cite the definition given by the Algerian sociologist

我引用的定義出自

阿爾及利亞社會學家 瑪麗梅．艾利．魯卡斯，

Marieme Helie Lucas,

and she says that fundamentalisms,

她說眾多的基本教義派，

note the "s," so within all of the world's

注意「眾多」，

在全世界的重要宗教傳統中，

great religious traditions,

"fundamentalisms are political movements of the extreme right

「眾多的基本教義派 都是極右派的政治運動，

which in a context of globalization

在全球化的背景下

manipulate religion in order to achieve

操控宗教，

來達成他們的政治目的。」

their political aims."

Sadia Abbas has called this the radical politicization

薩迪亞．阿巴斯稱此為

宗教理論的極端政治化。

of theology.

Now I want to avoid projecting the notion

我想儘量避免投射出某種想法，

that there's sort of a monolith out there

那就是有種龐大的組織

called Muslim fundamentalism that is the same everywhere,

稱為穆斯林基本教義派，在各地都一樣，

because these movements also have their diversities.

因為這些運動也各有不同。

Some use and advocate violence.

有一些使用與提倡暴力，

Some do not, though they're often interrelated.

有些則不然，雖然他們常相互影響。

They take different forms.

他們都有不同的形式。

Some may be non-governmental organizations,

有些也許是非政府組織，

even here in Britain like Cageprisoners.

即使在英國這裡， 像是伊斯蘭教囚犯組織。

Some may become political parties,

有些則成為政黨，

like the Muslim Brotherhood,

像是穆斯林兄弟會，

and some may be openly armed groups

有些可能是公開的武裝團體，

like the Taliban.

像是塔利班。

But in any case, these are all radical projects.

但不論是哪一種，這些都是激進的化身。

They're not conservative or traditional approaches.

那不是保守或傳統的手段，

They're most often about changing people's relationship with Islam

也往往改變大眾與伊斯蘭教的關係，

rather than preserving it.

而非保護這段關係。

What I am talking about is the Muslim extreme right,

我指的是穆斯林的極右派，

and the fact that its adherents are

以及它的追隨者

or purport to be Muslim

自稱是穆斯林的這個事實，

makes them no less offensive

不會讓他們的攻擊性

than the extreme right anywhere else.

少於任何地方的極右派人士。

So in my view, if we consider ourselves

因此在我看來，如果我們自認為

liberal or left-wing,

自由主義者或左派人士，

human rights-loving or feminist,

愛好人權者或女性主義者，

we must oppose these movements

我們都必須反對這些運動，

and support their grassroots opponents.

並支持反抗他們的平民百姓。

Now let me be clear

我先聲明，

that I support an effective struggle

我支持實際的抗爭

against fundamentalism,

來抵抗基本教義派，

but also a struggle that must itself

但抗爭也一定要

respect international law,

尊重國際法，

so nothing I am saying should be taken

因此我所說的一切都不應該被視為

as a justification for refusals

拒絕民主化的辯解，

to democratize,

and here I send out a shout-out of support

在此，我要公開聲援

to the pro-democracy movement in Algeria today, Barakat.

今天在阿爾及利亞 巴拉卡的親民主運動。

Nor should anything I say be taken

我所說的一切也不該被視為

as a justification of violations of human rights,

侵犯人權的辯解，

like the mass death sentences

像是本週前幾天 在埃及的大批死刑宣判。

handed out in Egypt earlier this week.

But what I am saying

我想表達的是

is that we must challenge these Muslim fundamentalist movements

我們必須挑戰這些 穆斯林基本教義派的運動，

because they threaten human rights

因為他們危害人權，

across Muslim-majority contexts,

充斥在以穆斯林為主的社會中，

and they do this in a range of ways,

他們運用各種方式，

most obviously with the direct attacks on civilians

直接攻擊平民百姓， 最顯見的就是

by the armed groups that carry those out.

透過武裝團體執行各種任務。

But that violence is just the tip of the iceberg.

但那樣的暴力只是冰山一角。

These movements as a whole purvey discrimination

這些運動普遍都宣揚

歧視宗教弱勢與性別弱勢。

against religious minorities and sexual minorities.

They seek to curtail the freedom of religion

他們企圖削減大家的宗教自由，

of everyone who either practices in a different way

針對那些用不同方式實踐

or chooses not to practice.

或是選擇不去實踐的人。

And most definingly, they lead an all-out war

最明確的是，

他們引領對女權的全面戰爭。

on the rights of women.

Now, faced with these movements

面對近年來的這些運動，

in recent years, Western discourse

西方論述最常提出

has most often offered

two flawed responses.

兩種錯誤的反應。

The first that one sometimes finds on the right

第一種，時常出自右翼人士，

suggests that most Muslims are fundamentalist

他們會說大多數的穆斯林 都是基本主義者，

or something about Islam is inherently fundamentalist,

或和伊斯蘭教有關的事 骨子裡都是基本教義派，

and this is just offensive and wrong,

這很冒犯，也不正確，

but unfortunately on the left one sometimes encounters

但不幸的是，從左翼者那邊也常碰到

a discourse that is too politically correct

一種過於政治正確的說法，

to acknowledge the problem of Muslim fundamentalism at all

以致於完全無法承認 穆斯林基本教義的問題，

or, even worse, apologizes for it,

更糟的是，無法為問題致歉，

and this is unacceptable as well.

這也讓人無法接受。

So what I'm seeking is a new way

因此我想找的是一種新的方式，

of talking about this all together,

能夠一併討論所有問題，

which is grounded in the lived experiences

並且是根植在生活經驗中，

and the hope of the people on the front lines.

以及前線人們的希望之中。

I'm painfully aware that there has been

我很痛苦地意識到

近年來對穆斯林的歧視與日俱增，

an increase in discrimination against Muslims in recent years

in countries like the U.K. and the U.S.,

像是在英國、美國，

and that too is a matter of grave concern,

這也是極度令人憂心的問題，

but I firmly believe

但我堅信

that telling these counter-stereotypical stories

訴說這些不同於刻板印象、

of people of Muslim heritage

關於穆斯林的故事，

who have confronted the fundamentalists

他們對抗基本主義者，

and been their primary victims

且成為首當其衝的受害者，

is also a great way of countering that discrimination.

述說他們的故事 也是種反抗歧視的好方式。

So now let me introduce you

因此，現在讓我為各位介紹四個人，

to four people whose stories

我很榮幸能與各位分享他們的故事。

I had the great honor of telling.

Faizan Peerzada and the Rafi Peer Theatre

法山．皮扎達與以他父親為名的 拉菲皮爾劇院工作坊，

workshop named for his father

have for years promoted the performing arts

已多年在巴基斯坦推廣表演藝術。

in Pakistan.

With the rise of jihadist violence,

隨著聖戰暴力的崛起，

they began to receive threats

他們開始被威脅終止活動，

to call off their events, which they refused to heed.

但他們拒絕服從。

And so a bomber struck their 2008

因此，一枚炸彈攻擊了

2008 年舉行的第八屆 世界拉合爾表演藝術嘉年華，

eighth world performing arts festival in Lahore,

producing rain of glass

如雨落下的玻璃碎片

that fell into the venue

在事發現場

injuring nine people,

造成九個人受傷，

and later that same night,

隨後在同一天晚上，

the Peerzadas made a very difficult decision:

皮扎達做了一個非常艱難的決定，

they announced that their festival

他們宣布嘉年華

would continue as planned the next day.

隔天如期舉行。

As Faizan said at the time,

如同法山當時所說，

if we bow down to the Islamists,

如果我們對伊斯蘭教徒低頭，

we'll just be sitting in a dark corner.

未來就只能坐在陰暗的角落。

But they didn't know what would happen.

但是他們不知道會發生什麼事，

Would anyone come?

會有人來嗎？

In fact, thousands of people came out the next day

事實上，隔天有成千上萬人前來拉合爾

to support the performing arts in Lahore,

支持這場表演藝術，

and this simultaneously thrilled

這也讓法山感到激動又害怕，

and terrified Faizan,

and he ran up to a woman

他跑到一名帶著兩個孩子 來參加的女士面前，

who had come in with her two small children,

and he said, "You do know there was a bomb here yesterday,

他說：「你知道昨天這裡有炸彈攻擊吧？

and you do know there's a threat here today."

你知道今天這裡有恐怖威脅吧？」

And she said, "I know that,

她說：「我知道，

but I came to your festival

但我和母親一起 參加過你辦的嘉年華，

with my mother when I was their age,

那時候我和他們一樣小，

and I still have those images in my mind.

那些影像至今還印在我心上，

We have to be here."

我們一定要參加。」

With stalwart audiences like this,

有像她這樣勇敢的觀眾，

the Peerzadas were able to conclude

讓皮扎達最終能 如期完成他們的嘉年華。

their festival on schedule.

And then the next year,

隔年，

they lost all of their sponsors

他們失去了所有的贊助商，

due to the security risk.

原因是安全考量。

So when I met them in 2010,

後來我在 2010 年和他們碰面，

they were in the middle of the first subsequent event

他們正在籌辦下一次的活動，

that they were able to have in the same venue,

在同一個地方舉辦，

and this was the ninth youth performing arts festival

也就是第九屆的青年表演藝術嘉年華，

held in Lahore in a year when that city

在拉合爾舉行，

那年當地已歷經了 44 次的恐怖攻擊。

had already experienced 44 terror attacks.

This was a time when the Pakistani Taliban

那個時候正是巴基斯坦的塔利班

had commenced their systematic targeting

開始有系統地以女子學校為目標，

of girls' schools that would culminate

最後引發對馬拉拉的攻擊事件。

in the attack on Malala Yousafzai.

What did the Peerzadas do in that environment?

皮扎達在那種環境下做了什麼？

They staged girls' school theater.

他們安排了女子校園劇院。

So I had the privilege of watching "Naang Wal,"

我有幸觀賞《結》，

which was a musical in the Punjabi language,

那是用旁遮普語表演的歌舞劇，

and the girls of Lahore Grammar School

拉合爾文理學校的女學生

played all the parts.

扮演所有的角色。

They sang and danced,

他們唱歌、跳舞，

they played the mice and the water buffalo,

扮演老鼠和水牛，

and I held my breath, wondering,

我屏息凝氣，

would we get to the end

心想我們能不能看到

這場表演的最後一刻？

of this amazing show?

And when we did, the whole audience

結束時，

全場觀眾都鬆了一口氣，

collectively exhaled,

and a few people actually wept,

有些人甚至流下眼淚，

and then they filled the auditorium

後來，禮堂裡充滿大家的溫馨掌聲。

with the peaceful boom of their applause.

And I remember thinking in that moment

在那當下我心想

that the bombers made headlines here

炸彈客上了新聞頭條

two years before

不過是兩年前的事，

but this night and these people

但是今晚和這些人

are as important a story.

也同是一樣重要的故事。

Maria Bashir is the first and only

瑪麗亞．巴希爾

是阿富汗首位， 也是目前唯一的女性總檢察長。

woman chief prosecutor in Afghanistan.

She's been in the post since 2008

她從 2008 年起任職，

and actually opened an office to investigate

並設立部門

調查針對女性的暴力案件，

cases of violence against women,

which she says is the most important area

她說那是她的任務中 最重要的一環。

in her mandate.

When I meet her in her office in Herat,

我和她在她的赫拉特辦公室碰面，

she enters surrounded by

她進入時

被四位手持大型槍枝的 彪形大漢圍繞。

four large men with four huge guns.

In fact, she now has 23 bodyguards,

其實現在她有 23 位保鑣，

because she has weathered bomb attacks

因為她才剛經歷炸彈攻擊，

that nearly killed her kids,

她的孩子差點被炸死，

and it took the leg off of one of her guards.

其中一位保鑣還失去一條腿。

Why does she continue?

為什麼她還要繼續下去？

She says with a smile that that is the question

她面帶微笑，

說每個人都問她這個問題，

that everyone asks—

as she puts it, "Why you risk not living?"

她是這樣描述的： 「為什麼你要冒這種生命危險？」

And it is simply that for her,

對她來說這答案簡單明瞭，

a better future for all the Maria Bashirs to come

能替所有女性創造更美好的未來

is worth the risk,

值得冒險，

and she knows that if people like her

她知道如果像她這樣的人

do not take the risk,

不去冒險，

there will be no better future.

就不會有更好的未來。

Later on in our interview,

之後在我們的訪談中，

Prosecutor Bashir tells me how worried she is

檢察長巴希爾告訴我她有多擔心

about the possible outcome

政府和塔利班協商的可能結果，

of government negotiations with the Taliban,

the people who have been trying to kill her.

那些是曾試圖殺了她的人。

"If we give them a place in the government,"

她問：「如果讓他們擔任公職，

she asks, "Who will protect women's rights?"

誰來保護婦女的權利？」

And she urges the international community

她鼓吹國際組織

not to forget its promise about women

不要忘了對女性的承諾，

because now they want peace with Taliban.

只因為他們現在希望與塔利班和平共處。

A few weeks after I leave Afghanistan,

我離開阿富汗幾週後，

I see a headline on the Internet.

看到一則網路頭條。

An Afghan prosecutor has been assassinated.

阿富汗檢察官遇刺。

I google desperately,

我絕望地上網搜尋，

and thankfully that day I find out

謝天謝地，

that Maria was not the victim,

瑪麗亞不是受害者，

though sadly, another Afghan prosecutor

但讓人難過的是，另一位阿富汗檢察官

was gunned down on his way to work.

在回家的路上被槍殺。

And when I hear headlines like that now,

現在只要我聽到像那樣的頭條，

I think that as international troops

我都會想，

在國際軍隊今年撤離阿富汗之後，

leave Afghanistan this year and beyond,

we must continue to care

我們仍須持續關心

about what happens to people there,

那裡的人發生什麼事，

to all of the Maria Bashirs.

以及像瑪麗亞那樣的女性發生什麼事。

Sometimes I still hear her voice in my head

有時候我仍聽見她的聲音 在我的腦海裡縈繞，

saying, with no bravado whatsoever,

她一點也不逞強地說：

"The situation of the women of Afghanistan

「阿富汗婦女的處境

will be better someday.

總有一天會更好。

We should prepare the ground for this,

我們應該為此打穩基礎，

even if we are killed."

即使我們會因此喪命。」

There are no words adequate

沒有任何言語足以譴責

to denounce the al Shabaab terrorists

索馬利亞青年黨的恐怖分子，

who attacked the Westgate Mall in Nairobi

他們曾攻擊奈洛比的西門百貨，

on the same day as a children's cooking competition

兒童廚藝大賽

就在 2013 年 9 月的同一天舉行。

in September of 2013.

They killed 67, including poets and pregnant women.

他們殺了 67 人，包括詩人和孕婦。

Far away in the American Midwest,

我在遙遠的美國中西部

I had the good fortune of meeting Somali-Americans

很好運碰到索馬利亞裔的美國人，

who were working to counter the efforts of al Shabaab

他們致力於反抗索馬利亞青年黨，

to recruit a small number of young people

避免他們召募故鄉 明尼亞波利斯的年輕人

from their city of Minneapolis

to take part in atrocities like Westgate.

參與像西門百貨那樣的暴行。

Abdirizak Bihi's studious

阿迪里扎．畢希

有一位勤學的 17 歲姪子伯罕．哈桑

17-year-old nephew Burhan Hassan

was recruited here in 2008,

2008 年時在這裡被召募，

spirited to Somalia,

帶到索馬利亞，

and then killed when he tried to come home.

後來在試圖回家時被殺身亡。

Since that time, Mr. Bihi,

自那時起，

無預算管理索馬利亞 教育與提倡組織的畢希先生

who directs the no-budget Somali Education and Advocacy Center,

has been vocally denouncing the recruitment

一直大聲譴責這種召募行動

and the failures of government

和失敗的政府，

and Somali-American institutions

以及索馬利裔美國人的機構，

like the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center

像是阿布巴卡．阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心，

where he believes his nephew was radicalized

他相信姪子就是在這個組織的

during a youth program.

青年課程中被慫恿。

But he doesn't just criticize the mosque.

但他不只是批判清真寺，

He also takes on the government

他也批判政府

for its failure to do more

未能努力

to prevent poverty in his community.

減少他們社群的貧窮。

Given his own lack of financial resources,

考慮到拮据的經濟資源，

Mr. Bihi has had to be creative.

畢許先生必須更有創意。

To counter the efforts of al Shabaab

要抵抗索馬利亞青年黨

to sway more disaffected youth,

不讓他們動搖更多不滿的青年，

in the wake of the group's 2010 attack

在 2010 年青年黨攻擊

on World Cup viewers in Uganda,

烏干達世界盃的觀眾之後，

he organized a Ramadan basketball tournament

他策畫齋戒月籃球比賽，

in Minneapolis in response.

在明尼亞波利斯舉行 以回應該起攻擊。

Scores of Somali-American kids came out

許多索馬利亞裔的美國孩童出來

to embrace sport

投入運動懷抱，

despite the fatwa against it.

無視伊斯蘭領袖的命令。

They played basketball

他們打籃球，

as Burhan Hassan never would again.

但伯罕．哈桑卻無法再次打球。

For his efforts, Mr. Bihi has been ostracized

畢希先生的努力

讓他因此被阿布巴卡．阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心的高層排擠，

by the leadership of the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center,

with which he used to have good relations.

失去原來的友好關係。

He told me, "One day we saw the imam on TV

他告訴我：「有天我看到 伊斯蘭教領袖在電視上，

calling us infidels and saying,

稱我們離經叛道，

還說『這些家人都試圖破壞清真寺。』」

'These families are trying to destroy the mosque.'"

This is at complete odds

這完全違背了

with how Abdirizak Bihi understands

阿迪里扎．畢希的理念，

what he is trying to do

他不斷嘗試努力

by exposing al Shabaab recruitment,

揭發索馬利亞青年黨的召募行動，

which is to save the religion I love

就為了拯救我所熱愛的宗教

from a small number of extremists.

免受少數極端分子控制。

Now I want to tell one last story,

我想說的最後一個故事是，

that of a 22-year-old law student in Algeria

有一位在阿爾及利亞的 22 歲法律系學生

named Amel Zenoune-Zouani

名叫阿梅爾．任努-佐尼，

who had the same dreams of a legal career

她也夢想從事法律相關職業，

that I did back in the '90s.

和我在 90 年代時一樣。

She refused to give up her studies,

她拒絕放棄學業，

despite the fact that the fundamentalists

無視基本主義者

battling the Algerian state back then

在和阿爾及利亞政府交戰之後

threatened all who continued their education.

威脅所有繼續上學的人。

On January 26, 1997, Amel boarded the bus

1997 年 1 月 26 日，

她在阿爾及爾搭上公車，

in Algiers where she was studying

準備從學校回家，

to go home and spend a Ramadan evening

和家人共渡齋戒月的夜晚，

with her family,

and would never finish law school.

卻永遠無法唸完法學院了。

When the bus reached the outskirts

巴士開到她家鄉的郊區外時，

of her hometown, it was stopped

在檢查站被攔了下來，

at a checkpoint manned by men

站崗的是伊斯蘭武裝組織的男子。

from the Armed Islamic Group.

Carrying her schoolbag,

阿梅爾拿著書包

Amel was taken off the bus

被帶下公車，

and killed in the street.

在街上被殺死。

The men who cut her throat

男人切斷她的喉嚨，

then told everyone else,

之後告訴每個人：

"If you go to university,

「如果你去唸大學，

the day will come when we will kill all of you

總有一天我們會回來殺了你，

just like this."

就像這樣。」

Amel died at exactly 5:17 p.m.,

阿梅爾在下午五點十七分過世，

which we know because when she fell in the street,

我們會知道是因為，她倒在街上時

her watch broke.

手錶摔破了。

Her mother showed me the watch

她媽媽給我們看手錶，

with the second hand still aimed

上頭的秒針仍樂觀地邁向

optimistically upward

towards a 5:18 that would never come.

永遠不會到來的五點十八分。

Shortly before her death,

阿梅爾死前

Amel had said to her mother of herself

曾告訴母親和姊妹：

and her sisters,

"Nothing will happen to us, Inshallah, God willing,

「一切都會平安無事，這是阿拉的旨意，

but if something happens,

但如果發生了什麼事，

you must know that we are dead for knowledge.

你們要知道，我們是為了知識而死。

You and father must keep your heads held high."

你和父親一定要昂首挺立。」

The loss of such a young woman is unfathomable,

如此年輕的少女生命殞落 讓人無法理解，

and so as I did my research

因此當我做研究時，

I found myself searching for Amel's hope again

發現自己再次尋找阿梅爾的希望，

and her name even means "hope" in Arabic.

而她的名字甚至是 阿拉伯語中的「希望」。

I think I found it in two places.

我想，我在兩個地方找到了希望。

The first is in the strength of her family

第一處是在她堅強的家人 與其他人身上，

and all the other families to continue telling their stories

他們繼續訴說自己的故事，

and to go on with their lives despite the terrorism.

繼續生活，無視於恐怖主義。

In fact, Amel's sister Lamia overcame her grief,

其實阿梅爾的妹妹拉米亞已經走出傷痛，

went to law school,

在法學院就讀，

and practices as a lawyer in Algiers today,

也在阿爾及爾當律師，

something which is only possible

這種事之所以能發生，

because the armed fundamentalists

是因為武裝基本主義者

were largely defeated in the country.

在國內的勢力被大幅消滅。

And the second place I found Amel's hope

第二個我發現阿梅爾希望之處，

was everywhere that women and men

是各個地方不分男女

continue to defy the jihadis.

都持續反抗聖戰。

We must support all of those in honor of Amel

為了向阿梅爾致敬， 我們必須全面支持那些

who continue this human rights struggle today,

至今仍繼續為人權而奮戰的團體，

like the Network of Women Living Under Muslim Laws.

像是「穆斯林律法下的女性組織」。

It is not enough, as the victims rights advocate

這還不夠，就像受害者權利倡導者

Cherifa Kheddar told me in Algiers,

查理法．凱達在阿爾及爾告訴我的，

it is not enough just to battle terrorism.

只是對抗恐怖主義是不夠的。

We must also challenge fundamentalism,

我們也要挑戰基本教義派，

because fundamentalism is the ideology

因為基本主義是

創造出恐怖主義基礎的意識型態。

that makes the bed of this terrorism.

Why is it that people like her, like all of them

為什麼像她這樣的人、像他們的人

are not more well known?

沒有更加廣為人知？

Why is it that everyone knows who Osama bin Laden was

為什麼每個人都認識賓拉登，

and so few know of all of those

卻少有人認識那些

standing up to the bin Ladens in their own contexts.

用各種方式起身反抗賓拉登的人們。

We must change that, and so I ask you

我們一定要改變，

因此我請各位幫忙分享這些故事，

to please help share these stories

through your networks.

運用你們的網絡。

Look again at Amel Zenoune's watch,

再看一眼阿梅爾．任努-佐尼的手錶，

forever frozen,

永遠凍結了，

and now please look at your own watch

現在請看著你自己的手錶，

and decide this is the moment that you commit

決定這一刻就是你承諾

to supporting people like Amel.

支持像阿梅爾這樣的人。

We don't have the right to be silent about them

我們沒有對他們沉默的權力，

because it is easier

只因為那更簡單，

or because Western policy is flawed as well,

或是因為西方國家的政策也有缺失，

because 5:17 is still coming

因為五點十七分仍然發生在

to too many Amel Zenounes

太多阿梅爾．任努-佐尼身上，

in places like northern Nigeria,

發生在像北奈及利亞這樣的地方，

where jihadis still kill students.

聖戰仍在那裡殺害學生。

The time to speak up in support of all of those

聲援所有

who peacefully challenge fundamentalism

和平對抗基本教義派

and terrorism in their own communities

和社群內恐怖分子的時刻

is now.

就是現在。

Thank you.

謝謝。

(Applause)

（掌聲）