Jonas Gahr Støre: In defense of dialogue

Translator: Ereblir Kadriu Reviewer: Liridon Shala

Amongst all the troubling deficits we struggle with today --

Midis gjithe problemeve me deficite ne luftojme me te sotmen--

we think of financial and economic primarily --

ne kryesisht mendojme per financa dhe ekonomi--

the ones that concern me most

per te cilat shqetsohemi me shume

is the deficit of political dialogue --

eshte deficiti i dialogu politike--

our ability to address modern conflicts

aftesia jone per te adresuar konflikte moderne

as they are,

ashtu sic ato jane,

to go to the source of what they're all about

për të shkuar tek burimi

and to understand the key players

dhe per te kuptuar lojtaret kyç

and to deal with them.

dhe te merremi me ta.

We who are diplomats,

Ne te cilet jemi diplomat,

we are trained to deal with conflicts between states and issues between states.

ne jemi trajnuar te mirremi me konfliktet ndermjet shteteve dhe ceshtjeve ndermjet shteteve.

And I can tell you, our agenda is full.

Dhe une mund t'u them se agjenda jone eshte e mbushur.

There is trade, there is disarmament,

Eshte tregti, eshte çarmatim,

there is cross-border relations.

eshte mardhenie e kalimit te kufirit.

But the picture is changing,

Por gjendja eshte duke ndryshuar,

and we are seeing that there are new key players

dhe ne jemi duke pare se jane lojtar te ri kryesor

coming onto the scene.

duke ardhur ne skene.

We loosely call them "groups."

Ne lirshem i thrrasim ata"grupe."

They may represent social, religious,

Ata mund te perfaqesojne realitete shoqerore, religjioze,

political, economic, military realities.

poltike, ekonomike, ushtarake.

And we struggle with how to deal with them.

Dhe ne luftojme se si te merremi me ata.

The rules of engagement:

Rregullat e angazhimit:

how to talk, when to talk,

si te flasim, kur te flasim,

and how to deal with them.

dhe si te mirremi me ta.

Let me show you a slide here

Me lerni t'ju tregoj nje sllajd ketu

which illustrates the character of conflicts

i cili ilustron karakteret e konflikteve

since 1946 until today.

qe nga 1946 deri me sot.

You see the green

Ju e shihni te gjelberten

is a traditional interstate conflict,

eshte nje konflikt tradicional ndershtetror,

the ones we used to read about.

ato te cilat ne i lexonim.

The red is modern conflict,

E kuqja edhte konflikt modern,

conflicts within states.

konfliktet ndermjet shteteve.

These are quite different,

Keto jane tersisht ndryshe,

and they are outside the grasp

dhe ato jane jashte zoterimit

of modern diplomacy.

te diplomacise moderne.

And the core of these key actors

Dhe thelbi i ketyre aktoreve kryesor

are groups

jane grupet

who represent different interests

te cilet perfaqsojne interese te ndryshme

inside countries.

mbrenda shteteve.

And the way they deal with their conflicts rapidly spreads to other countries.

Dhe menyra si ata mirren me konfliktete e tyre shpejt shperndahet ne shtete tjera.

So in a way, it is everybody's business.

Pra ne njefare menyre, eshte puna e te gjitheve.

Another acknowledgment we've seen during these years,

Tjeter njohuri qe e kemi pare gjate ketyre viteve,

recent years,

viteve te fundit,

is that very few

eshte se shume pak

of these domestic interstate, intrastate conflicts

te ketyre konflikteve ndershteterore

can be solved militarily.

mund te zgjidhen nga ana ushtarake.

They may have to be dealt with with military means,

Ato do të duhen të trajtohen me mjete ushtarake,

but they cannot be solved by military means.

por ato nuk mund te zgjidhen me mjete ushtarake.

They need political solutions.

Ato kane nevoje per zgjidhje politike.

And we, therefore, have a problem,

Dhe ne, per kete, kemi nje problem,

because they escape traditional diplomacy.

sepse ata larguan diplomacine tradicionale.

And we have among states

Dhe ne kemi ndermjet shteteve

a reluctance in dealing with them.

nje ngurrim per te bere marreveshje me ata.

Plus, during the last decade,

Plus, gjate dekades se fundit,

we've been in the mode

keni qene ne forme

where dealing with groups

ku marreveshjet me grupet

was conceptually and politically dangerous.

ishin konceptualisht dhe politikisht te rrezikshme.

After 9/11,

Pas 9/11,

either you were with us or against us.

ju ose ishte me ne ose kunder nesh.

It was black or white.

Ishte zi ose bardhe.

And groups are very often

Dhe grupet shume shpesh

immediately label terrorists.

etiketohen si terrorist.

And who would talk to terrorists?

Dhe kush dp te fliste me terrorista?

The West, as I would see it,

Perendimi, sic une do ta shikoja,

comes out of that decade weakened,

vjen nga e ajo dekade dobësuar,

because we didn't understand the group.

sepse ne nuk e kemi kuptuar grupin.

So we've spent more time

Pra ne kaluam me shume kohe

on focusing on why we should not talk to others

duke u fokusuar pse ne nuk duhet te flasim me te tjeret

than finding out how we talk to others.

sesa te zbulojme si ne flasim me te tjeret.

Now I'm not naive.

Tani une nuk jam naiv.

You cannot talk to everybody all the time.

Ju nuk mund te flisni me te gjithe gjithe kohen.

And there are times you should walk.

Dhe ka momente qe ju duhet te ecni.

And sometimes military intervention is necessary.

Dhe ndonjehere intervenimi ushtarak eshte i nevojshem.

I happen to believe that Libya was necessary

Une besoj se Libia ishte e nevojshme

and that military intervention in Afghanistan was also necessary.

dhe se intervenimi ushtarak ne Afganistan gjithashtu ishte i nevojshem.

And my country relies on its security

Dhe vendi im mbeshtetet ne kete siguri

through military alliance, that's clear.

nepermes aleances ushtarake, kjo eshte e qarte.

But still we have a large deficit

Por ne akoma kemi nje deficit te madh

in dealing with and understanding modern conflict.

qe kane ite bejne ne te kuptuarit e konfliktit modern.

Let us turn to Afghanistan.

Le te kthehemi tek Afganistani.

10 years after that military intervention,

10 vite pas atij intervenimi ushtarak,

that country is far from secure.

ai vend eshte larg nga siguria.

The situation, to be honest, is very serious.

Situata per te qene i sinqerte, eshte shume serioze.

Now again, the military is necessary,

Tani perseri, ushtria eshte e nevojshme,

but the military is no problem-solver.

por ushtria nuk eshte zgjidhje e prolemit.

When I first came to Afghanistan in 2005 as a foreign minister,

Kur erdha per te paren here ne Afganistan ne 2005 si minister i jashtem,

I met the commander of ISAF,

Une takova komandantin e ISAF,

the international troops.

trupat internacional,

And he told me that, "This can be won militarily, minister.

Dhe ai me tha qe, "Kjo mund te fitohet ushtarakisht, minister.

We just have to persevere."

Ne vetem duhet te kembngulim."

Now four COM ISAF's later,

Tani kater COM ISAF

we hear a different message:

ne degjojme nje mesazh te ndryshem:

"This cannot be won militarily.

"Kjo nuk mund te fitohet ushtarakisht.

We need military presence,

Ne kemi nevoje per presence ushtarake,

but we need to move to politics.

por ne kemi nevoje te levizim ne politike.

We can only solve this through a political solution.

Ne vetem mund ta zgjidhim kete nepermjet zgjidhjes politike.

And it is not us who will solve it;

Dhe nuk jemi ne te cilet do ta zgjidhin kete;

Afghans have to solve it."

Afganet duhet ta zgjidhin ate."

But then they need a different political process

Por pastaj ata kane nevoje per nje proces tjter pollitike

than the one they were given in 2001, 2002.

sesa ato qe atyre i'u ishind dhene ne 2001, 2002.

They need an inclusive process

Ata kane nevoje per nje proces gjitheperfshires

where the real fabric of this very complicated society

ku struktura e vertete e kesaj shoqerie te komplikuar

can deal with their issues.

mund te mirret me ceshtjet e tyre.

Everybody seems to agree with that.

Te gjithe duket qe po pajtohen me ate.

It was very controversial to say three, four, five years ago.

Ishte shume e diskutueshene per te thene trem kater, pese vite me pare.

Now everybody agrees.

Tani te gjithe pajtohen.

But now, as we prepare to talk,

Por tani, pasi ne pergaditemi te flasim,

we understand how little we know.

ne kuptojme sa pak dime.

Because we didn't talk.

Sepse ne nuk kemi folur.

We didn't grasp what was going on.

Ne nuk e kuptuam cka ishte duke ndodhur.

The International Committee of the Red Cross, the ICRC,

Komisioni Nderkombtar i Kryqit te Kuc, ICRC,

is talking to everyone,

eshte duke folur me te gjithe,

and it is doing so because it is neutral.

dhe eshte duke bere keshtu sepse eshte neutral.

And that's one reason why

Dhe kjo eshte nje arsye pse

that organization probably

ajo organizate ndoshta

is the best informed key player

eshte lojtari me i informuar

to understand modern conflict --

per te kuptuar konfliktin modern--

because they talk.

sepse ata flasin.

My point is that you don't have to be neutral to talk.

Qellimi im eshte se ju nuk duhet te jeni neutral per te folur.

And you don't have to agree

Dhe ju nuk duhet te pajtoheni

when you sit down with the other side.

kur ju te uleni me anen tjeter.

And you can always walk.

Dhe ju gjithmone mund te ecni.

But if you don't talk,

Por nese nuk flisni,

you can't engage the other side.

ju nuk mund te angazhoni pjesen tjeter.

And the other side which you're going to engage

Dhe pjesa tjeter ne te cilen ju do te angazhoheni

is the one with whom you profoundly disagree.

eshte ajo me te cilen ju thellesisht nuk pajtoheni.

Prime Minister Rabin said when he engaged the Oslo process,

Kryeministri Rabin tha kur ai u angazhua ne procesin e Oslos,

"You don't make peace with your friends,

"Ju nuk beni paqe me shoket tuaj,

you make peace with your enemies."

ju beni paqe me armiqet tuaj."

It's hard, but it is necessary.

Eshte e veshtirem por eshte e nevojshme.

Let me go one step further.

Me lerni te shkoj nje hap me tutje.

This is Tahrir Square.

Ky eshte Sheshi Tahrir.

There's a revolution going on.

Nje revulucion eshte duke ndodhur.

The Arab Spring is heading into fall

Pranvera Arabe eshte duke shkuar be vejshte

and is moving into winter.

dhe eshte duke u zhvendosur ne dimer.

It will last for a long, long time.

Do te zgjas per nje kohe shume, shume te gjate.

And who knows what it will be called in the end.

Dhe kush e di se si do ye quhet ne fund.

That's not the point.

Ky nuk eshte qellimi.

The point is that we are probably seeing,

Qellimi eshte se ne ndoshta jemi duke e pare,

for the first time in the history of the Arab world,

per te paren here ne historine e botes Arabe,

a revolution bottom-up --

nje revulucion nga poshte- lart--

people's revolution.

revulucioni i njerezve.

Social groups are taking to the streets.

Grupet shoqerore jane duke u marr ne rruge.

And we find out in the West

Dhe ne e zbuluam ne Perendim

that we know very little about what's happening.

se ne dime shume pak rreth asaj se cka eshte duke ndoshur.

Because we never talk to the people in these countries.

Sepse ne kurre nuk flasim me njerez ne keto vende.

Most governments followed

Shumica e qeverive ndoqen

the dictate of the authoritarian leaders

urdherat e liderve autoritar

to stay away from these different groups,

per te qendruar larg nga keto grupe te ndryshme,

because they were terrorists.

sepse ata ishin terrorist.

So now that they are emerging in the street

Pra, tani ata jane duke u shfaqur neper rruge

and we salute the democratic revolution,

dhe ne e pershendesim revulucionin demokratik,

we find out how little we know.

ne e gjetem sa pak ne dime.

Right now, the discussion goes,

Per momentin, diskutimi vazhdon,

"Should we talk to the Muslim Brotherhood?

" A duhet te flasim me Vllazerin Muslimane?

Should we talk to Hamas?

A duhet te flasim me Hamas?

If we talk to them, we may legitimize them."

Nese ne flasim per ta, ne mund t'i legjitimojme ata."

I think that is wrong.

Une mendoj se kjo eshte gabim

If you talk in the right way, you make it very clear

Nese flisni ne menyren e duhur, ju e beni shume te qarte

that talking is not agreeing.

se te folurit nuk eshte pajtushmeri.

And how can we tell the Muslim Brotherhood,

Dhe si mund ti tregojme Vllezerve Musliman,

as we should,

sic duhet,

that they must respect minority rights,

se ata duhet te respektojne te drejtat e minoriteteve,

if we don't accept majority rights?

nese ne nuk i pranojme te drejtat e shumices?

Because they may turn out to be a majority.

Pershkak se ata mund te jene shumice.

How can we escape [having] a double-standard,

Si mund te ikim duke pasur nje standard te dyfishte,

if we at the same time preach democracy

nese ne ne kohen e njejte predikojme per demokraci

and at the same time

dhe ne te njejten kohe

don't want to deal with the groups that are representative?

nuk duam te bejme marreveshje me grupet te cilet jane perfaqesues?

How will we ever be interlocutors?

Si do te jemi bashkebisedues?

Now my diplomats are instructed

Tani diplomatet e mi jane te mesuar

to talk to all these groups.

te flasin me gjithe keta grupe.

But talking can be done in different ways.

Por te folurit mund te behet ne menyra te ndryshme.

We make a distinction between talking from a diplomatic level

Ne bejme nje dallim ndermjet te folurit nga nje nivel diplomatik

and talking at the political level.

dhe te folurit nga nje nivel poltik.

Now talking can be accompanied with aid or not with aid.

Tani te folurit mund te shoqerohet me ndihme ose pa ndihme.

Talking can be accompanied with inclusion or not inclusion.

Te folurit mund te shoqerohet me perfshirje dhe jo perfshirje.

There's a big array

Eshte nje liste e madhe

of the ways of dealing with this.

me menyrat se di duhet te mirreni me kete.

So if we refuse

Keshtu nese ne refuzojme

to talk to these new groups

te flasim me keto grupe te reja

that are going to be dominating the news in years to come,

qe do te dominojne ne lajme ne vitet qe po vine,

we will further radicalization,

ne do te dergojme me tej radikalizmin,

I believe.

une besoj.

We will make the road from violent activities into politics

Ne do të bëjmë rrugën nga aktivitetet e dhunshme në politikë

harder to travel.

me veshtire per te udhetuar.

And if we cannot demonstrate to these groups

Dhe nese ne nuk mund te ja demonstrojme ketyre grupeve

that if you move towards democracy,

se nese ju levzini ne drejtim te demokracise

if you move towards taking part

nese ju levizni drejt marrjes pjese

in civilized and normal standards among states,

ne standardet e civilizuara dhe moderne ndermjet shteteve,

there are some rewards on the other side.

jane disa shperblime ne anen tjeter.

The paradox here

Paradoksi ketu

is that the last decade probably was a lost decade

eshte se dekada e fundit ndoshta ishte dekada e humbur

for making progress on this.

per te bere perparim ne kete.

And the paradox is that the decade before the last decade was so promising --

Dhe paradoksi eshte se dekada para dekades se fusnit ishte shume premtuese--

and for one reason primarily.

dhe per nje arsye kryesore.

And the reason is what happened in South Africa:

Dhe arsyeja eshte cka ndodhi ne Afriken Jugore:

Nelson Mandela.

Nelson Mandela.

When Mandela came out of prison

Kur Mandela doli nga burgu

after 27 years of captivity,

pas 27 viteve te roberise,

if he had told his people,

nese ai i'u kishte treguar njerezve te tij,

"It's time to take up the arms,

" Eshte koha t'i kapim armet,

it's time to fight,"

eshte koha te luftojme,"

he would have been followed.

ai do e ndiqej.

And I think the international community

Dhe une mendoj se komuniteti nderkombtar

would have said, "Fair enough.

do te thoshte,"Koxha e drejte.

It's their right to fight."

Eshte e drejta e tyre per te luftuar."

Now as you know, Mandela didn't do that.

Tani sic ju e dini, Mandela nuk e ka bere ate.

In his memoirs, "Long Road to Freedom,"

Ne kujtimet e tij, "Long Road To Freedom."

he wrote that he survived

ai shkroi se ai mbijetoj

during those years of captivity

pergjate ketyre viteve te roberise

because he always decided to look upon his oppressor

sepse ai gjithmone vendosi te shikonte ne tiranin e tij

as also being a human being,

gjithashtu duke qene nje qenie humane,

also being a human being.

gjithashtu duke qene nje qenie njerezore.

So he engaged a political process of dialogue,

Pra ai angazhoj nje proces poltike te dialogut,

not as a strategy of the weak,

jo si strategji e dobesise,

but as a strategy of the strong.

por si strategji e fortesise.

And he engaged talking profoundly

Dhe ai anganzhoj te folurit thellesisht

by settling some of the most tricky issues

duke i vendosur disa nga ceshtjet më me hile

through a truth and reconciliation process

permes te vertetes dhe procesit te pajtimit

where people came and talked.

ku njerezit erdhen dhe folen.

Now South African friends will know

Tani shoket e Afikes Jugore do te dine

that was very painful.

se ajo ishte shume e dhimbshme.

So what can we learn from all of this?

Pra cka mund te dime nga e gjithe kjo?

Dialogue is not easy --

Dialogu nuk eshte i lehte--

not between individuals, not between groups, not between governments --

jo ndermjet individeve, jo ndermjet grupeve, jo ndermjet qeverive--

but it is very necessary.

por eshte shume e nevojshme.

If we're going to deal with political conflict-solving of conflicts,

Nëse ne do të merren me konfliktin poltike zgjidhjen e konflikteve,

if we're going to understand these new groups

nese do te kuptojne keto grupe te reja

which are coming from bottom-up,

te cilet jane dyje ardhur nga poshte- lart,

supported by technology, which is available to all,

mbeshtetur nga teknologjia, e cila eshte gatshme per te gjithe,

we diplomats cannot be sitting back in the banquets

ne diplomatet nuk mun te ulemi ne kankete

believing that we are doing interstate relations.

duke besuar se ne jemi duke bere mardhenie ndershtetrore.

We have to connect

Ne duhet te lidhemi

with these profound changes.

me keto ndryshime te thella.

And what is dialogue really about?

Dhe per cka me te vertete eshte dialogu ?

When I enter into dialogue,

Kur une hy ne dialog,

I really hope that the other side

Une me te vertete shpresoj se ana tjeter

would pick up my points of view,

do ti kap pikat e mendimit tim,

that I would impress upon them

qe do te le pershtyje ne ta

my opinions and my values.

opinionet e mia dhe aftesit e mija.

I cannot do that

Une nuk mund ta beje ate

unless I send the signals that I will be open

perderisa une i dergoj sinjalet se une do te jem i hapur

to listen to the other side's signals.

te degjoj sinjalet e anes tjeter.

We need a lot more training on how to do that

Ne kemi nevoje per me shume trajnime se si ta bejme ate

and a lot more practice

dhe shume me shume praktike

on how that can take problem-solving forward.

se si kjo mund ta shty perpara zgjidhjen e problemit.

We know from our personal experiences

Ne e dime nga eksperincat tona personale

that it's easy sometimes

se eshte e lehet ndonjehere

just to walk,

vetem te ecim,

and sometimes you may need to fight.

dhe ndonjehere juve ju duhet te luftoni.

And I wouldn't say that is the wrong thing in all circumstances.

Dhe unë nuk do të thoja se është gjë e gabuar në të gjitha rrethanat.

Sometimes you have to.

Nganjehere ju duhet te.

But that strategy seldom takes you very far.

Por ajo strategji rrale ju dergon shume larg.

The alternative is a strategy

Alternativa eshte nje strategji

of engagement and principled dialogue.

e bashkpunimit dhe dialogur parimor.

And I believe we need to strengthen this approach

Dhe une besoj se ne duhet ta forcojme kete arritje

in modern diplomacy,

ne diplomacine moderne,

not only between states,

jo vetem ndermjet shteteve,

but also within states.

por gjithashtu mbrenda shteteve.

We are seeing some new signs.

Ne jemi duke i pare disa shenja te reja.

We could never have done

Ne kurre nuk do ti kishim bere

the convention against anti-personnel landmines

Konventa kunder minave tokesore anti-personel

and the convention that is banning cluster munitions

dhe konventë që ndalon municionetthërrmuese

unless we had done diplomacy differently,

vec nese ne kemi bere diplomaci ndryshe,

by engaging with civil society.

duke u angazhuar me shoqerine civile.

All of a sudden,

Krejt papritmas,

NGOs were not only standing in the streets, crying their slogans,

NGO jo vetem qe ishin duke qendruar ne rruge, me parrulat e tyre,

but they were taking [them] into the negotiations,

por ata ishin duke i marre ata ne negociata,

partly because they represented the victims of these weapons.

pjeserisht sepse ata perfaqsonin viktimat e ketyre armeve,

And they brought their knowledge.

Dhe ata sollen njohrine e tyre.

And there was an interaction

Dhe ishte nje bashkeveprim

between diplomacy and the power coming bottom-up.

ndermjet diplomacise dhe fuqise se ardhshme poshte- lart.

This is perhaps a first element

Ky ndoshta eshte elementi i pare

of a change.

i ndryshimit.

In the future, I believe,

N ete ardhmen, une besoj

we should draw examples from these different illustrations,

ne duhet te nxjerrim shembuj nga keto ilustrime te ndryshme,

not to have diplomacy

jo te kemi diplomaci

which is disconnected from people and civil society.

e cila eshte e shkeputur nga njerezit dhe shoqeria civile.

And we have to go also

Dhe ne gjithashtu duhet te shkojme

beyond traditional diplomacy

pertej diplomacise tradicionale

to the survival issue of our times,

tek ceshtjet mbijetuese te koherave tona,

climate change.

ndryshimi i mjedisit.

How are we going to solve climate change through negotiations,

Si do te zgjidhim ndryshimin e mjedisit nepermjet negociatave,

unless we are able to make civil society and people,

perderisa ne jemi ne gjendje te bejme shoqeri civile dhe njerez,

not part of the problem, but part of the solution?

jo pjese e problemit, por pjese e zgjidhjes?

It is going to demand an inclusive process of diplomacy

Kjo do të kërkojë një proces gjithëpërfshirës të diplomacisë

very different from the one we are practicing today

shume ndryshe prej asaj qe ne jemi duke e praktikuar sot

as we are heading to new rounds of difficult climate negotiations,

si ne jemi të nisej për raunde të reja të negociatave të vështira klimatike,

but when we move toward something

por kur ne levzim drejt dicka

which has to be much more

e cila duhet te jete shume me shume

along a broad mobilization.

përgjatë një mobilizim të gjerë.

It's crucial to understand, I believe,

Eshte thelbesore te kuptojme, une besoj

because of technology and because of globalization,

pershkak te teknologjise dhe pershkak te globalizimit,

societies from bottom-up.

shoqerite nga poshte-lart.

We as diplomats

Ne si diplomat

need to know the social capital

kemi nevoje te dime per kapitalin shoqeror

of communities.

te komuniteteve.

What is it that makes people trust each other,

Cka eshte ajo qe i ben njerezit te besojne ne njerin tjetrin,

not only between states,

jo vetem ndermjet shteteve,

but also within states?

por gjithashtu mbrenda shteteve?

What is the legitimacy of diplomacy,

Cila eshte ligjshmeria e diplomacise,

of the the solution we devise as diplomats

e zgjidhjes qe ne si diplomat sajojme

if they cannot be reflected and understood

nese ata nuk mund te reflektojne dhe kuptojne

by also these broader forces of societies

nga keto forca me te gjera te shoqerive

that we now very loosely call groups?

qe ne tani shume lirshem i qujame grupe?

The good thing is that we are not powerless.

Gjeja e mire eshte se ne nuk jemi te pafuqishem.

We have never had

Ne kurr nuk kemi qene

as many means of communication,

si shume menyra te komunikimit,

means of being connected, means of reaching out,

menyra te te qenurit i kyqur, menyra per te arritur

means of including.

menyra te perfshirjes.

The diplomatic toolbox

Kutia diplomatike

is actually full of different tools we can use

faktikisht eshte e mbushur me vegla te ndryshme qe ne mund ti perdorimin

to strengthen our communication.

per te forcuar komunikimin tone.

But the problem is that we are coming out of a decade

Por porblemi eshte se ne jem duke ardhur nje nje dekade

where we had a fear of touching it.

ku ne kishim frike per te prekur ate.

Now, I hope, in the coming years,

Tani, une shpresoj, ne vitet ne vijme,

that we are able to demonstrate through some concrete examples

ne te jemi ne gjendje te demonstrojme nepermjet disa shembujve konkret

that fear is receding

qe frika eshte duke y larguar

and that we can take courage

dhe qe ne mund marrim huxim

from that alliance

nga ajo aleance

with civil society

me shoqeri civile

in different countries

ne vende te ndryshme

to support their problem-solving,

te mbeshtesim zgjidhjen e problemit te tyre

among the Afghans,

ndermjet Afganeve,

inside the Palestinian population,

mbrenda popullit Palestinez,

between the peoples of Palestine and Israel.

ndermjet njerezve te Palestines dhe Izraelit.

And as we try to understand this broad movement

Dhe pasi ne perpiqemi te kuptojme kete levzije te gjere

across the Arab world,

pertej bptes Arabe,

we are not powerless.

ne nuk jemi te pafuqishem.

We need to improve the necessary skills,

Ne kemi nevoje te permirsojme aftesite e nevojshme,

and we need the courage to use them.

dhe ne kemi nevoje per guximin per t'i perdorur ato.

In my country,

Ne vendim tim,

I have seen how the council of Islamist groups

Une kam pare si keshilli i grupeve Islame

and Christian groups

dhe grupet Krishtere

came together, not as a government initiative,

u bashkuan, jo si nje iniciative e qeverise,

but they came together on their own initiative

por ata u bashkuan ne iniciativene tyre

to establish contact and dialogue

per te zhvilluar kontaktin dhe dialogun

in times where things were pretty low-key tension.

ne kohera kur gjerat ishin jo shume tensionuese.

And when tension increased,

Dhe kur tensioni u ngrit,

they already had that dialogue,

ata tanime e kishim ate dialog,

and that was a strength to deal with different issues.

dhe kjo ishte një forcë për t'u marrë me çështje të ndryshme.

Our modern Western societies

Shoqerite tona Perendimore e moderne

are more complex than before,

jane me te nderlikuara se me pare,

in this time of migration.

ne kete kohe te migrimit.

How are we going to settle and build a bigger "We"

Si do ta vendosim dhe ndertojme nje "Ne" te madhe

to deal with our issues

te mirremi me ceshtjet tona

if we don't improve our skills of communication?

nese nuk i permiresojme aftesite tona te komunikimit?

So there are many reasons,

Pra jane shume arsye,

and for all of these reasons,

dhe per te gjitha keto arsye,

this is time and this is why we must talk.

kjo eshte koha dhe kjo eshte pse ne duhet te flasim.

Thank you for your attention.

Faleminderit per vemendjen tuaj.

(Applause)

(Duartokitje)