Thomas Insel: Toward a new understanding of mental illness

193,556 views ・ 2013-04-16

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Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Thu-Huong Ha
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So let's start with some good news,
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and the good news has to do with what do we know
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based on biomedical research
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that actually has changed the outcomes
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for many very serious diseases?
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Let's start with leukemia,
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acute lymphoblastic leukemia, ALL,
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the most common cancer of children.
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When I was a student,
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the mortality rate was about 95 percent.
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Today, some 25, 30 years later, we're talking about
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a mortality rate that's reduced by 85 percent.
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Six thousand children each year
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who would have previously died of this disease are cured.
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If you want the really big numbers,
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look at these numbers for heart disease.
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Heart disease used to be the biggest killer,
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particularly for men in their 40s.
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Today, we've seen a 63-percent reduction in mortality
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from heart disease --
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remarkably, 1.1 million deaths averted every year.
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AIDS, incredibly, has just been named,
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in the past month, a chronic disease,
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meaning that a 20-year-old who becomes infected with HIV
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is expected not to live weeks, months, or a couple of years,
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as we said only a decade ago,
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but is thought to live decades,
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probably to die in his '60s or '70s from other causes altogether.
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These are just remarkable, remarkable changes
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in the outlook for some of the biggest killers.
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And one in particular
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that you probably wouldn't know about, stroke,
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which has been, along with heart disease,
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one of the biggest killers in this country,
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is a disease in which now we know
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that if you can get people into the emergency room
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within three hours of the onset,
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some 30 percent of them will be able to leave the hospital
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without any disability whatsoever.
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Remarkable stories,
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good-news stories,
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all of which boil down to understanding
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something about the diseases that has allowed us
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to detect early and intervene early.
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Early detection, early intervention,
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that's the story for these successes.
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Unfortunately, the news is not all good.
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Let's talk about one other story
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which has to do with suicide.
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Now this is, of course, not a disease, per se.
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It's a condition, or it's a situation
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that leads to mortality.
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What you may not realize is just how prevalent it is.
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There are 38,000 suicides each year in the United States.
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That means one about every 15 minutes.
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Third most common cause of death amongst people
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between the ages of 15 and 25.
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It's kind of an extraordinary story when you realize
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that this is twice as common as homicide
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and actually more common as a source of death
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than traffic fatalities in this country.
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Now, when we talk about suicide,
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there is also a medical contribution here,
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because 90 percent of suicides
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are related to a mental illness:
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depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia,
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anorexia, borderline personality. There's a long list
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of disorders that contribute,
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and as I mentioned before, often early in life.
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But it's not just the mortality from these disorders.
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It's also morbidity.
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If you look at disability,
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as measured by the World Health Organization
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with something they call the Disability Adjusted Life Years,
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it's kind of a metric that nobody would think of
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except an economist,
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except it's one way of trying to capture what is lost
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in terms of disability from medical causes,
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and as you can see, virtually 30 percent
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of all disability from all medical causes
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can be attributed to mental disorders,
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neuropsychiatric syndromes.
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You're probably thinking that doesn't make any sense.
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I mean, cancer seems far more serious.
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Heart disease seems far more serious.
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But you can see actually they are further down this list,
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and that's because we're talking here about disability.
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What drives the disability for these disorders
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like schizophrenia and bipolar and depression?
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Why are they number one here?
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Well, there are probably three reasons.
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One is that they're highly prevalent.
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About one in five people will suffer from one of these disorders
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in the course of their lifetime.
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A second, of course, is that, for some people,
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these become truly disabling,
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and it's about four to five percent, perhaps one in 20.
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But what really drives these numbers, this high morbidity,
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and to some extent the high mortality,
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is the fact that these start very early in life.
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Fifty percent will have onset by age 14,
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75 percent by age 24,
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a picture that is very different than what one would see
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if you're talking about cancer or heart disease,
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diabetes, hypertension -- most of the major illnesses
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that we think about as being sources of morbidity and mortality.
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These are, indeed, the chronic disorders of young people.
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Now, I started by telling you that there were some good-news stories.
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This is obviously not one of them.
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This is the part of it that is perhaps most difficult,
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and in a sense this is a kind of confession for me.
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My job is to actually make sure that we make progress
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on all of these disorders.
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I work for the federal government.
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Actually, I work for you. You pay my salary.
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And maybe at this point, when you know what I do,
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or maybe what I've failed to do,
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you'll think that I probably ought to be fired,
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and I could certainly understand that.
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But what I want to suggest, and the reason I'm here
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is to tell you that I think we're about to be
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in a very different world as we think about these illnesses.
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What I've been talking to you about so far is mental disorders,
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diseases of the mind.
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That's actually becoming a rather unpopular term these days,
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and people feel that, for whatever reason,
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it's politically better to use the term behavioral disorders
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and to talk about these as disorders of behavior.
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Fair enough. They are disorders of behavior,
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and they are disorders of the mind.
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But what I want to suggest to you
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is that both of those terms,
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which have been in play for a century or more,
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are actually now impediments to progress,
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that what we need conceptually to make progress here
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is to rethink these disorders as brain disorders.
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Now, for some of you, you're going to say,
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"Oh my goodness, here we go again.
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We're going to hear about a biochemical imbalance
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or we're going to hear about drugs
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or we're going to hear about some very simplistic notion
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that will take our subjective experience
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and turn it into molecules, or maybe into some sort of
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very flat, unidimensional understanding
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of what it is to have depression or schizophrenia.
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When we talk about the brain, it is anything but
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unidimensional or simplistic or reductionistic.
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It depends, of course, on what scale
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or what scope you want to think about,
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but this is an organ of surreal complexity,
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and we are just beginning to understand
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how to even study it, whether you're thinking about
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the 100 billion neurons that are in the cortex
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or the 100 trillion synapses
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that make up all the connections.
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We have just begun to try to figure out
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how do we take this very complex machine
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that does extraordinary kinds of information processing
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and use our own minds to understand
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this very complex brain that supports our own minds.
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It's actually a kind of cruel trick of evolution
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that we simply don't have a brain
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that seems to be wired well enough to understand itself.
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In a sense, it actually makes you feel that
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when you're in the safe zone of studying behavior or cognition,
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something you can observe,
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that in a way feels more simplistic and reductionistic
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than trying to engage this very complex, mysterious organ
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that we're beginning to try to understand.
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Now, already in the case of the brain disorders
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that I've been talking to you about,
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depression, obsessive compulsive disorder,
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post-traumatic stress disorder,
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while we don't have an in-depth understanding
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of how they are abnormally processed
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or what the brain is doing in these illnesses,
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we have been able to already identify
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some of the connectional differences, or some of the ways
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in which the circuitry is different
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for people who have these disorders.
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We call this the human connectome,
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and you can think about the connectome
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sort of as the wiring diagram of the brain.
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You'll hear more about this in a few minutes.
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The important piece here is that as you begin to look
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at people who have these disorders, the one in five of us
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who struggle in some way,
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you find that there's a lot of variation
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in the way that the brain is wired,
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but there are some predictable patterns, and those patterns
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are risk factors for developing one of these disorders.
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It's a little different than the way we think about brain disorders
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like Huntington's or Parkinson's or Alzheimer's disease
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where you have a bombed-out part of your cortex.
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Here we're talking about traffic jams, or sometimes detours,
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or sometimes problems with just the way that things are connected
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and the way that the brain functions.
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You could, if you want, compare this to,
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on the one hand, a myocardial infarction, a heart attack,
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where you have dead tissue in the heart,
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versus an arrhythmia, where the organ simply isn't functioning
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because of the communication problems within it.
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Either one would kill you; in only one of them
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will you find a major lesion.
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As we think about this, probably it's better to actually go
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a little deeper into one particular disorder, and that would be schizophrenia,
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because I think that's a good case
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for helping to understand why thinking of this as a brain disorder matters.
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These are scans from Judy Rapoport and her colleagues
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at the National Institute of Mental Health
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in which they studied children with very early onset schizophrenia,
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and you can see already in the top
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there's areas that are red or orange, yellow,
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are places where there's less gray matter,
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and as they followed them over five years,
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comparing them to age match controls,
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you can see that, particularly in areas like
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the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex
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or the superior temporal gyrus, there's a profound loss of gray matter.
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And it's important, if you try to model this,
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you can think about normal development
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as a loss of cortical mass, loss of cortical gray matter,
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and what's happening in schizophrenia is that you overshoot that mark,
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and at some point, when you overshoot,
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you cross a threshold, and it's that threshold
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where we say, this is a person who has this disease,
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because they have the behavioral symptoms
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of hallucinations and delusions.
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That's something we can observe.
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But look at this closely and you can see that actually they've crossed a different threshold.
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They've crossed a brain threshold much earlier,
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that perhaps not at age 22 or 20,
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but even by age 15 or 16 you can begin to see
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the trajectory for development is quite different
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at the level of the brain, not at the level of behavior.
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Why does this matter? Well first because,
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for brain disorders, behavior is the last thing to change.
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We know that for Alzheimer's, for Parkinson's, for Huntington's.
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There are changes in the brain a decade or more
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before you see the first signs of a behavioral change.
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The tools that we have now allow us to detect
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these brain changes much earlier, long before the symptoms emerge.
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But most important, go back to where we started.
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The good-news stories in medicine
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are early detection, early intervention.
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If we waited until the heart attack,
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we would be sacrificing 1.1 million lives
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every year in this country to heart disease.
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That is precisely what we do today
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when we decide that everybody with one of these brain disorders,
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brain circuit disorders, has a behavioral disorder.
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We wait until the behavior becomes manifest.
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That's not early detection. That's not early intervention.
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Now to be clear, we're not quite ready to do this.
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We don't have all the facts. We don't actually even know
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what the tools will be,
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nor what to precisely look for in every case to be able
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to get there before the behavior emerges as different.
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But this tells us how we need to think about it,
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and where we need to go.
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Are we going to be there soon?
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I think that this is something that will happen
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over the course of the next few years, but I'd like to finish
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with a quote about trying to predict how this will happen
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by somebody who's thought a lot about changes
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in concepts and changes in technology.
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"We always overestimate the change that will occur
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in the next two years and underestimate
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the change that will occur in the next 10." -- Bill Gates.
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Thanks very much.
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(Applause)
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