When ideas have sex | Matt Ridley

396,490 views ・ 2010-07-19

TED


Please double-click on the English subtitles below to play the video.

00:16
When I was a student here in Oxford in the 1970s,
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the future of the world was bleak.
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The population explosion was unstoppable.
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Global famine was inevitable.
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A cancer epidemic caused by chemicals in the environment
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was going to shorten our lives.
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The acid rain was falling on the forests.
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The desert was advancing by a mile or two a year.
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The oil was running out,
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and a nuclear winter would finish us off.
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None of those things happened,
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(Laughter)
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and astonishingly, if you look at what actually happened in my lifetime,
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the average per-capita income
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of the average person on the planet,
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in real terms, adjusted for inflation,
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has tripled.
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Lifespan is up by 30 percent in my lifetime.
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Child mortality is down by two-thirds.
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Per-capita food production
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is up by a third.
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And all this at a time when the population has doubled.
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How did we achieve that, whether you think it's a good thing or not?
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How did we achieve that?
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How did we become
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the only species
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that becomes more prosperous
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as it becomes more populous?
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The size of the blob in this graph represents the size of the population,
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and the level of the graph
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represents GDP per capita.
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I think to answer that question
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you need to understand
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how human beings bring together their brains
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and enable their ideas to combine and recombine,
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to meet and, indeed, to mate.
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In other words, you need to understand
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how ideas have sex.
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I want you to imagine
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how we got from making objects like this
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to making objects like this.
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These are both real objects.
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One is an Acheulean hand axe from half a million years ago
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of the kind made by Homo erectus.
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The other is obviously a computer mouse.
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They're both exactly the same size and shape to an uncanny degree.
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I've tried to work out which is bigger,
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and it's almost impossible.
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And that's because they're both designed to fit the human hand.
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They're both technologies. In the end, their similarity is not that interesting.
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It just tells you they were both designed to fit the human hand.
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The differences are what interest me,
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because the one on the left was made to a pretty unvarying design
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for about a million years --
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from one-and-a-half million years ago to half a million years ago.
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Homo erectus made the same tool
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for 30,000 generations.
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Of course there were a few changes,
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but tools changed slower than skeletons in those days.
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There was no progress, no innovation.
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It's an extraordinary phenomenon, but it's true.
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Whereas the object on the right is obsolete after five years.
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And there's another difference too,
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which is the object on the left is made from one substance.
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The object on the right is made from
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a confection of different substances,
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from silicon and metal and plastic and so on.
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And more than that, it's a confection of different ideas,
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the idea of plastic, the idea of a laser,
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the idea of transistors.
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They've all been combined together in this technology.
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And it's this combination,
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this cumulative technology, that intrigues me,
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because I think it's the secret to understanding
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what's happening in the world.
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My body's an accumulation of ideas too:
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the idea of skin cells, the idea of brain cells, the idea of liver cells.
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They've come together.
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How does evolution do cumulative, combinatorial things?
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Well, it uses sexual reproduction.
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In an asexual species, if you get two different mutations in different creatures,
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a green one and a red one,
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then one has to be better than the other.
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One goes extinct for the other to survive.
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But if you have a sexual species,
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then it's possible for an individual
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to inherit both mutations
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from different lineages.
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So what sex does is it enables the individual
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to draw upon
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the genetic innovations of the whole species.
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It's not confined to its own lineage.
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What's the process that's having the same effect
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in cultural evolution
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as sex is having in biological evolution?
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And I think the answer is exchange,
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the habit of exchanging one thing for another.
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It's a unique human feature.
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No other animal does it.
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You can teach them in the laboratory to do a little bit of exchange --
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and indeed there's reciprocity in other animals --
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But the exchange of one object for another never happens.
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As Adam Smith said, "No man ever saw a dog
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make a fair exchange of a bone with another dog."
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(Laughter)
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You can have culture without exchange.
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You can have, as it were, asexual culture.
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Chimpanzees, killer whales, these kinds of creatures, they have culture.
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They teach each other traditions
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which are handed down from parent to offspring.
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In this case, chimpanzees teaching each other
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how to crack nuts with rocks.
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But the difference is
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that these cultures never expand, never grow,
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never accumulate, never become combinatorial,
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and the reason is because
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there is no sex, as it were,
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there is no exchange of ideas.
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Chimpanzee troops have different cultures in different troops.
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There's no exchange of ideas between them.
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And why does exchange raise living standards?
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Well, the answer came from David Ricardo in 1817.
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And here is a Stone Age version of his story,
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although he told it in terms of trade between countries.
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Adam takes four hours to make a spear and three hours to make an axe.
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Oz takes one hour to make a spear and two hours to make an axe.
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So Oz is better at both spears and axes than Adam.
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He doesn't need Adam.
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He can make his own spears and axes.
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Well no, because if you think about it,
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if Oz makes two spears and Adam make two axes,
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and then they trade,
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then they will each have saved an hour of work.
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And the more they do this, the more true it's going to be,
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because the more they do this, the better Adam is going to get at making axes
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and the better Oz is going to get at making spears.
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So the gains from trade are only going to grow.
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And this is one of the beauties of exchange,
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is it actually creates the momentum
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for more specialization,
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which creates the momentum for more exchange and so on.
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Adam and Oz both saved an hour of time.
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That is prosperity, the saving of time
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in satisfying your needs.
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Ask yourself how long you would have to work
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to provide for yourself
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an hour of reading light this evening to read a book by.
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If you had to start from scratch, let's say you go out into the countryside.
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You find a sheep. You kill it. You get the fat out of it.
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You render it down. You make a candle, etc. etc.
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How long is it going to take you? Quite a long time.
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How long do you actually have to work
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to earn an hour of reading light
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if you're on the average wage in Britain today?
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And the answer is about half a second.
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Back in 1950,
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you would have had to work for eight seconds on the average wage
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to acquire that much light.
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And that's seven and a half seconds of prosperity that you've gained
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since 1950, as it were,
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because that's seven and a half seconds in which you can do something else,
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or you can acquire another good or service.
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And back in 1880,
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it would have been 15 minutes
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to earn that amount of light on the average wage.
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Back in 1800,
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you'd have had to work six hours
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to earn a candle that could burn for an hour.
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In other words, the average person on the average wage
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could not afford a candle in 1800.
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Go back to this image of the axe and the mouse,
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and ask yourself: "Who made them and for who?"
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The stone axe was made by someone for himself.
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It was self-sufficiency.
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We call that poverty these days.
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But the object on the right
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was made for me by other people.
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How many other people?
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Tens? Hundreds? Thousands?
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You know, I think it's probably millions.
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Because you've got to include the man who grew the coffee,
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which was brewed for the man who was on the oil rig,
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who was drilling for oil, which was going to be made into the plastic, etc.
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They were all working for me,
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to make a mouse for me.
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And that's the way society works.
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That's what we've achieved as a species.
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In the old days, if you were rich,
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you literally had people working for you.
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That's how you got to be rich; you employed them.
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Louis XIV had a lot of people working for him.
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They made his silly outfits, like this,
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(Laughter)
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and they did his silly hairstyles, or whatever.
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He had 498 people
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to prepare his dinner every night.
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But a modern tourist going around the palace of Versailles
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and looking at Louis XIV's pictures,
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he has 498 people doing his dinner tonight too.
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They're in bistros and cafes and restaurants
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and shops all over Paris,
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and they're all ready to serve you at an hour's notice with an excellent meal
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that's probably got higher quality
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than Louis XIV even had.
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And that's what we've done, because we're all working for each other.
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We're able to draw upon specialization and exchange
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to raise each other's living standards.
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Now, you do get other animals working for each other too.
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Ants are a classic example; workers work for queens and queens work for workers.
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But there's a big difference,
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which is that it only happens within the colony.
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There's no working for each other across the colonies.
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And the reason for that is because there's a reproductive division of labor.
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That is to say, they specialize with respect to reproduction.
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The queen does it all.
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In our species, we don't like doing that.
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It's the one thing we insist on doing for ourselves, is reproduction.
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(Laughter)
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Even in England, we don't leave reproduction to the Queen.
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(Applause)
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So when did this habit start?
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And how long has it been going on? And what does it mean?
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Well, I think, probably, the oldest version of this
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is probably the sexual division of labor.
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But I've got no evidence for that.
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It just looks like the first thing we did
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was work male for female and female for male.
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In all hunter-gatherer societies today,
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there's a foraging division of labor
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between, on the whole, hunting males and gathering females.
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It isn't always quite that simple,
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but there's a distinction between
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specialized roles for males and females.
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And the beauty of this system
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is that it benefits both sides.
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The woman knows
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that, in the Hadzas' case here --
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digging roots to share with men in exchange for meat --
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she knows that all she has to do to get access to protein
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is to dig some extra roots and trade them for meat.
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And she doesn't have to go on an exhausting hunt
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and try and kill a warthog.
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And the man knows that he doesn't have to do any digging
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to get roots.
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All he has to do is make sure that when he kills a warthog
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it's big enough to share some.
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And so both sides raise each other's standards of living
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through the sexual division of labor.
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When did this happen? We don't know, but it's possible
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that Neanderthals didn't do this.
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They were a highly cooperative species.
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They were a highly intelligent species.
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Their brains on average, by the end, were bigger than yours and mine
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in this room today.
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They were imaginative. They buried their dead.
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They had language, probably,
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because we know they had the FOXP2 gene of the same kind as us,
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which was discovered here in Oxford.
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And so it looks like they probably had linguistic skills.
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They were brilliant people. I'm not dissing the Neanderthals.
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But there's no evidence
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of a sexual division of labor.
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There's no evidence of gathering behavior by females.
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It looks like the females were cooperative hunters with the men.
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And the other thing there's no evidence for
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is exchange between groups,
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because the objects that you find in Neanderthal remains,
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the tools they made,
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are always made from local materials.
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For example, in the Caucasus
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there's a site where you find local Neanderthal tools.
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They're always made from local chert.
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In the same valley there are modern human remains
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from about the same date, 30,000 years ago,
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and some of those are from local chert,
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but more -- but many of them are made
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from obsidian from a long way away.
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And when human beings began
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moving objects around like this,
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it was evidence that they were exchanging between groups.
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Trade is 10 times as old as farming.
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People forget that. People think of trade as a modern thing.
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Exchange between groups has been going on
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for a hundred thousand years.
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And the earliest evidence for it crops up
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somewhere between 80 and 120,000 years ago in Africa,
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when you see obsidian and jasper and other things
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moving long distances in Ethiopia.
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You also see seashells --
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as discovered by a team here in Oxford --
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moving 125 miles inland
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from the Mediterranean in Algeria.
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And that's evidence that people
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have started exchanging between groups.
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And that will have led to specialization.
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How do you know that long-distance movement
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means trade rather than migration?
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Well, you look at modern hunter gatherers like aboriginals,
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who quarried for stone axes at a place called Mount Isa,
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which was a quarry owned by the Kalkadoon tribe.
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They traded them with their neighbors
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for things like stingray barbs,
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and the consequence was that stone axes
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ended up over a large part of Australia.
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So long-distance movement of tools
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is a sign of trade, not migration.
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What happens when you cut people off from exchange,
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from the ability to exchange and specialize?
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And the answer is that
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not only do you slow down technological progress,
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you can actually throw it into reverse.
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An example is Tasmania.
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When the sea level rose and Tasmania became an island 10,000 years ago,
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the people on it not only experienced
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slower progress than people on the mainland,
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they actually experienced regress.
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They gave up the ability to make stone tools
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and fishing equipment and clothing
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because the population of about 4,000 people
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was simply not large enough
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to maintain the specialized skills
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necessary to keep the technology they had.
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It's as if the people in this room were plonked on a desert island.
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How many of the things in our pockets
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could we continue to make after 10,000 years?
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It didn't happen in Tierra del Fuego --
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similar island, similar people.
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The reason: because Tierra del Fuego
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is separated from South America by a much narrower straight,
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and there was trading contact across that straight
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throughout 10,000 years.
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The Tasmanians were isolated.
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Go back to this image again
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and ask yourself, not only who made it and for who,
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but who knew how to make it.
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In the case of the stone axe, the man who made it knew how to make it.
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But who knows how to make a computer mouse?
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Nobody, literally nobody.
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There is nobody on the planet who knows how to make a computer mouse.
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I mean this quite seriously.
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The president of the computer mouse company doesn't know.
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He just knows how to run a company.
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The person on the assembly line doesn't know
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because he doesn't know how to drill an oil well
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to get oil out to make plastic, and so on.
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We all know little bits, but none of us knows the whole.
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I am of course quoting from a famous essay
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by Leonard Read, the economist in the 1950s,
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called "I, Pencil"
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in which he wrote about how a pencil came to be made,
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and how nobody knows even how to make a pencil,
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because the people who assemble it don't know how to mine graphite,
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and they don't know how to fell trees and that kind of thing.
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And what we've done in human society,
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through exchange and specialization,
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is we've created
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the ability to do things that we don't even understand.
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It's not the same with language.
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With language we have to transfer ideas
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that we understand with each other.
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But with technology,
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we can actually do things that are beyond our capabilities.
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We've gone beyond the capacity of the human mind
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to an extraordinary degree.
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And by the way,
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that's one of the reasons that I'm not interested
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in the debate about I.Q.,
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about whether some groups have higher I.Q.s than other groups.
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It's completely irrelevant.
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What's relevant to a society
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is how well people are communicating their ideas,
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and how well they're cooperating,
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not how clever the individuals are.
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So we've created something called the collective brain.
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We're just the nodes in the network.
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We're the neurons in this brain.
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It's the interchange of ideas,
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the meeting and mating of ideas between them,
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that is causing technological progress,
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incrementally, bit by bit.
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However, bad things happen.
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And in the future, as we go forward,
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we will, of course, experience terrible things.
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There will be wars; there will be depressions;
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there will be natural disasters.
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Awful things will happen in this century, I'm absolutely sure.
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But I'm also sure that, because of the connections people are making,
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and the ability of ideas
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to meet and to mate
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as never before,
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I'm also sure
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that technology will advance,
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and therefore living standards will advance.
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Because through the cloud,
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through crowd sourcing,
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through the bottom-up world that we've created,
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where not just the elites but everybody
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is able to have their ideas
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and make them meet and mate,
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we are surely accelerating the rate of innovation.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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Original video on YouTube.com
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