When you're making a deal, what's going on in your brain? | Colin Camerer

186,412 views ・ 2013-03-28

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Transcriber: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Thu-Huong Ha
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I'm going to talk about the strategizing brain.
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We're going to use an unusual combination of tools
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from game theory and neuroscience
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to understand how people interact socially when value is on the line.
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So game theory is a branch of, originally, applied mathematics,
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used mostly in economics and political science, a little bit in biology,
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that gives us a mathematical taxonomy of social life,
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and it predicts what people are likely to do
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and believe others will do
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in cases where everyone's actions affect everyone else.
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That's a lot of things: competition, cooperation, bargaining,
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games like hide-and-seek and poker.
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Here's a simple game to get us started.
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Everyone chooses a number from zero to 100.
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We're going to compute the average of those numbers,
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and whoever's closest to two-thirds of the average wins a fixed prize.
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So you want to be a little bit below the average number
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but not too far below,
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and everyone else wants to be a little bit below the average number as well.
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Think about what you might pick.
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As you're thinking,
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this is a toy model of something like selling in the stock market
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during a rising market:
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You don't want to sell too early, because you miss out on profits,
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but you don't want to wait too late, to when everyone else sells,
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triggering a crash.
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You want to be a little bit ahead of the competition, but not too far ahead.
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OK, here's two theories about how people might think about this,
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then we'll see some data.
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Some of these will sound familiar
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because you probably are thinking that way.
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I'm using my brain theory to see.
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A lot of people say, "I really don't know what people are going to pick,
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so I think the average will be 50" -- they're not being strategic at all --
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and "I'll pick two-thirds of 50, that's 33."
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That's a start.
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Other people, who are a little more sophisticated,
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using more working memory,
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say, "I think people will pick 33,
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because they're going to pick a response to 50,
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and so I'll pick 22, which is two-thirds of 33."
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They're doing one extra step of thinking, two steps.
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That's better.
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Of course, in principle, you could do three, four or more,
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but it starts to get very difficult.
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Just like in language and other domains,
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we know that it's hard for people to parse very complex sentences
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with a recursive structure.
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This is called the cognitive hierarchy theory,
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something I've worked on and a few other people,
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and it indicates a kind of hierarchy,
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along with some assumptions about how many people stop at different steps
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and how the steps of thinking are affected
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by lots of interesting variables and variant people,
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as we'll see in a minute.
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A very different theory, a much more popular one and an older one,
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due largely to John Nash of "A Beautiful Mind" fame,
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is what's called "equilibrium analysis."
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So if you've ever taken a game theory course at any level,
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you'll have learned a bit about this.
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An equilibrium is a mathematical state
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in which everybody has figured out exactly what everyone else will do.
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It is a very useful concept,
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but behaviorally, it may not exactly explain
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what people do the first time they play these types of economic games
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or in situations in the outside world.
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In this case, the equilibrium makes a very bold prediction,
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which is: everyone wants to be below everyone else,
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therefore, they'll play zero.
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Let's see what happens.
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This experiment's been done many, many times.
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Some of the earliest ones were done in the '90s
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by me and Rosemarie Nagel and others.
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This is a beautiful data set of 9,000 people
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who wrote in to three newspapers and magazines that had a contest.
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The contest said, send in your numbers,
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and whoever is close to two-thirds of the average will win a big prize.
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As you can see, there's so much data here, you can see the spikes very visibly.
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There's a spike at 33 -- those are people doing one step.
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There is another spike visible at 22.
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Notice, by the way, most people pick numbers right around there;
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they don't necessarily pick exactly 33 and 22.
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There's something a bit noisy around it.
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But you can see those spikes on that end.
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There's another group of people
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who seem to have a firm grip on equilibrium analysis,
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because they're picking zero or one.
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But they lose, right?
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Because picking a number that low is actually a bad choice
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if other people aren't doing equilibrium analysis as well.
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So they're smart, but poor.
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(Laughter)
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Where are these things happening in the brain?
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One study by Coricelli and Nagel gives a really sharp, interesting answer.
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They had people play this game while they were being scanned in an fMRI,
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and two conditions:
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in some trials, they're told,
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"You're playing another person who's playing right now.
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We'll match up your behavior at the end and pay you if you win."
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In other trials, they're told, "You're playing a computer,
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they're just choosing randomly."
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So what you see here is a subtraction of areas
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in which there's more brain activity when you're playing people
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compared to playing the computer.
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And you see activity in some regions we've seen today,
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medial prefrontal cortex, dorsomedial, up here,
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ventromedial prefrontal cortex, anterior cingulate,
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an area that's involved in lots of types of conflict resolution,
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like if you're playing "Simon Says,"
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and also the right and left temporoparietal junction.
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And these are all areas which are fairly reliably known to be
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part of what's called a "theory of mind" circuit
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or "mentalizing circuit."
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That is, it's a circuit that's used to imagine what other people might do.
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These were some of the first studies to see this tied in to game theory.
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What happens with these one- and two-step types?
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So, we classify people by what they picked,
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and then we look at the difference between playing humans versus computers,
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which brain areas are differentially active.
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On the top, you see the one-step players.
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There's almost no difference.
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The reason is, they're treating other people like a computer,
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and the brain is too.
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The bottom players, you see all the activity in dorsomedial PFC.
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So we know the two-step players are doing something differently.
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Now, what can we do with this information?
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You might be able to look at brain activity and say,
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"This person will be a good poker player," or "This person's socially naive."
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We might also be able to study things like development of adolescent brains
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once we have an idea of where this circuitry exists.
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OK. Get ready.
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I'm saving you some brain activity,
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because you don't need to use your hair detector cells.
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You should use those cells to think carefully about this game.
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This is a bargaining game.
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Two players who are being scanned using EEG electrodes
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are going to bargain over one to six dollars.
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If they can do it in 10 seconds, they'll earn that money.
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If 10 seconds go by and they haven't made a deal, they get nothing.
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That's kind of a mistake together.
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The twist is that one player, on the left,
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is informed about how much on each trial there is.
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They play lots of trials with different amounts each time.
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In this case, they know there's four dollars.
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The uninformed player doesn't know, but they know the informed player knows.
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So the uninformed player's challenge is to say,
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"Is this guy being fair,
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or are they giving me a very low offer
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in order to get me to think there's only one or two dollars available to split?"
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in which case they might reject it and not come to a deal.
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So there's some tension here between trying to get the most money
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but trying to goad the other player into giving you more.
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And the way they bargain is to point on a number line
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that goes from zero to six dollars.
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They're bargaining over how much the uninformed player gets,
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and the informed player will get the rest.
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So this is like a management-labor negotiation
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in which the workers don't know
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how much profits the privately held company has,
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and they want to maybe hold out for more money,
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but the company might want to create the impression
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that there's very little to split: "I'm giving the most I can."
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First, some behavior: a bunch of the subject pairs play face-to-face.
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We have other data where they play across computers.
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That's an interesting difference, as you might imagine.
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But a bunch of the face-to-face pairs
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agree to divide the money evenly every single time.
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Boring. It's just not interesting neurally.
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It's good for them -- they make a lot of money.
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But we're interested in:
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Can we say something about when disagreements occur versus don't occur?
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So this is the other group of subjects, who often disagree.
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They bicker and disagree and end up with less money.
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They might be eligible to be on "Real Housewives," the TV show.
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(Laughter)
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You see on the left,
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when the amount to divide is one, two or three dollars,
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they disagree about half the time;
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when it's four, five, six, they agree quite often.
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This turns out to be something that's predicted
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by a very complicated type of game theory
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you should come to graduate school at CalTech and learn about.
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It's a little too complicated to explain right now,
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but the theory tells you that this shape should occur.
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Your intuition might tell you that, too.
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Now I'm going to show you the results from the EEG recording.
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Very complicated.
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The right brain schematic is the uninformed person,
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and the left is the informed.
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Remember that we scanned both brains at the same time,
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so we can ask about time-synced activity
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in similar or different areas simultaneously,
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just like if you wanted to study a conversation,
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and you were scanning two people talking to each other.
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You'd expect common activity in language regions
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when they're listening and communicating.
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So the arrows connect regions that are active at the same time.
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The direction of the arrows
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flows from the region that's active first in time,
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and the arrowhead goes to the region that's active later.
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So in this case, if you look carefully,
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most of the arrows flow from right to left.
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That is, it looks as if the uninformed brain activity
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is happening first,
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and then it's followed by activity in the informed brain.
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And by the way, these are trials where their deals were made.
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This is from the first two seconds.
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We haven't finished analyzing this data, so we're still peeking in,
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but the hope is that we can say something in the first couple of seconds
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about whether they'll make a deal or not,
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which could be very useful in thinking about avoiding litigation
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and ugly divorces and things like that.
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Those are all cases in which a lot of value is lost by delay and strikes.
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Here's the case where the disagreements occur.
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You can see it looks different than the one before.
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There's a lot more arrows.
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That means that the brains are synced up more closely
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in terms of simultaneous activity,
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and the arrows flow clearly from left to right.
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That is, the informed brain seems to be deciding,
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"We're probably not going to make a deal here."
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And then later, there's activity in the uninformed brain.
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Next, I'm going to introduce you to some relatives.
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They're hairy, smelly, fast and strong.
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You might be thinking back to your last Thanksgiving.
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(Laughter)
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Maybe, if you had a chimpanzee with you.
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Charles Darwin and I and you broke off from the family tree from chimpanzees
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about five million years ago.
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They're still our closest genetic kin.
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We share 98.8 percent of the genes.
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We share more genes with them than zebras do with horses.
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And we're also their closest cousin.
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They have more genetic relation to us than to gorillas.
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So, how humans and chimpanzees behave differently
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might tell us a lot about brain evolution.
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This is an amazing memory test
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from [Kyoto], Japan, the Primate Research Institute,
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where they've done a lot of this research.
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This goes back a ways. They're interested in working memory.
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The chimp will see, watch carefully,
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they'll see 200 milliseconds' exposure -- that's fast, eight movie frames --
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of numbers one, two, three, four, five.
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Then they disappear and are replaced by squares,
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and they have to press the squares
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that correspond to the numbers from low to high
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to get an apple reward.
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Let's see how they can do it.
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This is a young chimp.
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The young ones are better than the old ones, just like humans.
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(Laughter)
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And they're highly experienced,
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they've done this thousands of times.
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Obviously there's a big training effect, as you can imagine.
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(Laughter)
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You can see they're very blasé and effortless.
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Not only can they do it very well, they do it in a sort of lazy way.
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(Laughter)
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Who thinks you could beat the chimps?
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(Laughter)
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Wrong. (Laughter)
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We can try. We'll try. Maybe we'll try.
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OK, so the next part of the study I'm going to go quickly through
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is based on an idea of Tetsuro Matsuzawa.
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He had a bold idea he called the "cognitive trade-off hypothesis."
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We know chimps are faster and stronger; they're also obsessed with status.
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His thought was, maybe they've preserved brain activities
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and practice them in development
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that are really, really important to them to negotiate status and to win,
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which is something like strategic thinking during competition.
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So we're going to check that out
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by having the chimps actually play a game
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by touching two touch screens.
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The chimps are interacting with each other through the computers.
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They'll press left or right.
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One chimp is called a matcher; they win if they press left-left,
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like a seeker finding someone in hide-and-seek, or right-right.
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The mismatcher wants to mismatch;
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they want to press the opposite screen of the chimp.
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And the rewards are apple cube rewards.
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So here's how game theorists look at these data.
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This is a graph of the percentage of times
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the matcher picked right on the x-axis
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and the percentage of times they picked right
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by the mismatcher on the y-axis.
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So a point here is the behavior by a pair of players,
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one trying to match, one trying to mismatch.
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The NE square in the middle -- actually, NE, CH and QRE --
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those are three different theories of Nash equilibrium and others,
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tells you what the theory predicts,
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which is that they should match 50-50,
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because if you play left too much, for example,
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I can exploit that if I'm the mismatcher by then playing right.
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And as you can see, the chimps -- each chimp is one triangle --
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are circled around, hovering around that prediction.
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Now we move the payoffs.
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We're going to make the left-left payoff for the matcher a little higher.
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Now they get three apple cubes.
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Game theoretically, that should make the mismatcher's behavior shift:
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the mismatcher will think, "Oh, this guy's going to go for the big reward,
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so I'll go to the right, make sure he doesn't get it."
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And as you can see, their behavior moves up
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in the direction of this change in the Nash equilibrium.
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Finally, we changed the payoffs one more time.
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Now it's four apple cubes,
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and their behavior again moves towards the Nash equilibrium.
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It's sprinkled around, but if you average the chimps out,
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they're really close, within .01.
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They're actually closer than any species we've observed.
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What about humans? You think you're smarter than a chimpanzee?
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Here's two human groups in green and blue.
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They're closer to 50-50; they're not responding to payoffs as closely.
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And also if you study their learning in the game,
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they aren't as sensitive to previous rewards.
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The chimps play better than the humans, in terms of adhering to game theory.
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And these are two different groups of humans, from Japan and Africa;
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they replicate quite nicely.
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None of them are close to where the chimps are.
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So, some things we learned:
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people seem to do a limited amount of strategic thinking using theory of mind.
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We have preliminary evidence from bargaining
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that early warning signs in the brain might be used to predict
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whether there'll be a bad disagreement that costs money,
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and chimps are "better" competitors than humans,
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as judged by game theory.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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