Kelli Swazey: Life that doesn't end with death

126,773 views ・ 2013-10-01

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00:12
I think it's safe to say
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that all humans will be intimate with death
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at least once in their lives.
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But what if that intimacy began
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long before you faced your own transition
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from life into death?
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What would life be like
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if the dead literally lived alongside you?
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In my husband's homeland
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in the highlands of Sulawesi island
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in eastern Indonesia,
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there is a community of people that experience death
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not as a singular event
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but as a gradual social process.
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In Tana Toraja,
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the most important social moments in people's lives,
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the focal points of social and cultural interaction
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are not weddings or births or even family dinners,
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but funerals.
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So these funerals are characterized
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by elaborate rituals
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that tie people in a system of reciprocal debt
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based on the amount of animals --
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pigs, chickens and, most importantly, water buffalo --
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that are sacrificed and distributed
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in the name of the deceased.
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So this cultural complex surrounding death,
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the ritual enactment of the end of life,
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has made death the most visible
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and remarkable aspect of Toraja's landscape.
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Lasting anywhere from a few days
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to a few weeks,
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funeral ceremonies are a raucous affair,
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where commemorating someone who's died
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is not so much a private sadness
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but more of a publicly shared transition.
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And it's a transition that's just as much
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about the identity of the living
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as it is about remembrance of the dead.
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So every year, thousands of visitors
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come to Tana Toraja to see, as it were,
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this culture of death,
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and for many people these grandiose ceremonies
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and the length of the ceremonies
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are somehow incommensurable
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with the way that we face our own mortality in the West.
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So even as we share death as a universal experience,
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it's not experienced the same way the world over.
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And as an anthropologist,
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I see these differences in experience
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being rooted in the cultural and social world
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through which we define the phenomena around us.
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So where we see an unquestionable reality,
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death as an irrefutable biological condition,
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Torajans see the expired corporeal form
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as part of a larger social genesis.
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So again, the physical cessation of life
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is not the same as death.
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In fact, a member of society is only truly dead
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when the extended family can agree upon
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and marshal the resources necessary
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to hold a funeral ceremony
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that is considered appropriate in terms of resources
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for the status of the deceased.
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And this ceremony has to take place
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in front of the eyes of the whole community
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with everyone's participation.
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So after a person's physical death,
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their body is placed in a special room
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in the traditional residence, which is called the tongkonan.
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And the tongkonan is symbolic
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not only of the family's identity
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but also of the human life cycle from birth to death.
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So essentially, the shape of the building
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that you're born into is the shape
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of the structure which carries you
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to your ancestral resting place.
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Until the funeral ceremony,
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which can be held years after a person's physical death,
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the deceased is referred to as "to makala," a sick person,
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or "to mama," a person who is asleep,
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and they continue to be a member of the household.
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They are symbolically fed and cared for,
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and the family at this time
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will begin a number of ritual injunctions,
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which communicates to the wider community around them
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that one of their members is undergoing the transition
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from this life into the afterlife
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known as Puya.
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So I know what some of you must be thinking right now.
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Is she really saying that these people live
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with the bodies of their dead relatives?
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And that's exactly what I'm saying.
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But instead of giving in to the sort of visceral reaction
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we have to this idea of proximity to bodies,
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proximity to death,
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or how this notion just does not fit
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into our very biological or medical
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sort of definition of death,
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I like to think about what the Torajan way
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of viewing death encompasses of the human experience
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that the medical definition leaves out.
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I think that Torajans socially recognize
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and culturally express
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what many of us feel to be true
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despite the widespread acceptance
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of the biomedical definition of death,
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and that is that our relationships with other humans,
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their impact on our social reality,
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doesn't cease with the termination
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of the physical processes of the body,
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that there's a period of transition
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as the relationship between the living and the dead
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is transformed but not ended.
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So Torajans express this idea of this enduring relationship
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by lavishing love and attention
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on the most visible symbol of that relationship,
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the human body.
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So my husband has fond memories
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of talking to and playing with
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and generally being around his deceased grandfather,
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and for him there is nothing unnatural about this.
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This is a natural part of the process
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as the family comes to terms with the transition
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in their relationship to the deceased,
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and this is the transition from relating to the deceased
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as a person who's living
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to relating to the deceased
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as a person who's an ancestor.
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And here you can see these wooden effigies
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of the ancestors,
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so these are people who have already been buried,
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already had a funeral ceremony.
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These are called tau tau.
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So the funeral ceremony itself
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embodies this relational perspective on death.
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It ritualizes the impact of death on families
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and communities.
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And it's also a moment of self-awareness.
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It's a moment when people think about who they are,
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their place in society,
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and their role in the life cycle
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in accordance with Torajan cosmology.
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There's a saying in Toraja
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that all people will become grandparents,
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and what this means is that after death,
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we all become part of the ancestral line
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that anchors us between the past and the present
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and will define who our loved ones are into the future.
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So essentially, we all become grandparents
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to the generations of human children
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that come after us.
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And this metaphor of membership
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in the greater human family
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is the way that children also describe
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the money that they invest
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in these sacrificial buffaloes
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that are thought to carry people's soul
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from here to the afterlife,
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and children will explain
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that they will invest the money in this
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because they want to repay their parents
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the debt for all of the years their parents spent
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investing and caring for them.
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But the sacrifice of buffalo
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and the ritual display of wealth
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also exhibits the status of the deceased,
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and, by extension, the deceased's family.
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So at funerals, relationships are reconfirmed
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but also transformed
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in a ritual drama that highlights
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the most salient feature about death in this place:
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its impact on life and the relationships of the living.
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So all of this focus on death
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doesn't mean that Torajans don't aspire
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to the ideal of a long life.
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They engage in many practices
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thought to confer good health
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and survival to an advanced age.
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But they don't put much stock
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in efforts to prolong life in the face of debilitating illness
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or in old age.
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It's said in Toraja that everybody has
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sort of a predetermined amount of life.
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It's called the sunga'.
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And like a thread, it should be allowed to unspool
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to its natural end.
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So by having death as a part
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of the cultural and social fabric of life,
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people's everyday decisions about their health
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and healthcare are affected.
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The patriarch of my husband's maternal clan,
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Nenet Katcha,
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is now approaching the age of 100, as far as we can tell.
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And there are increasing signs
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that he is about to depart on his own journey for Puya.
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And his death will be greatly mourned.
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But I know that my husband's family
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looks forward to the moment
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when they can ritually display
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what his remarkable presence has meant to their lives,
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when they can ritually recount
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his life's narrative,
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weaving his story
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into the history of their community.
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His story is their story.
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His funeral songs will sing them a song about themselves.
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And it's a story that has no discernible beginning,
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no foreseeable end.
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It's a story that goes on
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long after his body no longer does.
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People ask me if I'm frightened or repulsed
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by participating in a culture
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where the physical manifestations of death
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greet us at every turn.
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But I see something profoundly transformative
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in experiencing death as a social process
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and not just a biological one.
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In reality, the relationship between the living and the dead
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has its own drama in the U.S. healthcare system,
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where decisions about how long to stretch
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the thread of life are made based on our emotional
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and social ties with the people around us,
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not just on medicine's ability to prolong life.
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We, like the Torajans,
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base our decisions about life
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on the meanings and the definitions
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that we ascribe to death.
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So I'm not suggesting that anyone in this audience
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should run out and adopt the traditions
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of the Torajans.
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It might be a little bit difficult
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to put into play in the United States.
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But I want to ask what we can gain
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from seeing physical death not only as a biological process
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but as part of the greater human story.
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What would it be like to look on
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the expired human form with love
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because it's so intimately a part of who we all are?
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If we could expand our definition of death
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to encompass life,
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we could experience death as part of life
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and perhaps face death
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with something other than fear.
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Perhaps one of the answers to the challenges
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that are facing the U.S. healthcare system,
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particularly in the end-of-life care,
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is as simple as a shift in perspective,
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and the shift in perspective in this case
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would be to look at the social life of every death.
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It might help us recognize that the way we limit
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our conversation about death
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to something that's medical or biological
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is reflective of a larger culture that we all share
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of avoiding death, being afraid of talking about it.
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If we could entertain and value
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other kinds of knowledge about life,
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including other definitions of death,
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it has the potential to change the discussions
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that we have about the end of life.
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It could change the way that we die,
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but more importantly,
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it could transform the way that we live.
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(Applause)
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