George Papandreou: Imagine a European democracy without borders

65,528 views ・ 2013-06-12

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Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Morton Bast
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This will not be a speech
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like any one I have ever given.
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I will talk to you today about
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the failure of leadership in global politics
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and in our globalizing economy.
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And I won't provide some feel-good, ready-made solutions.
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But I will in the end urge you
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to rethink, actually take risks, and get involved
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in what I see as a global evolution
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of democracy.
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Failure of leadership.
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What is the failure of leadership today?
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And why is our democracy not working?
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Well, I believe that the failure of leadership is the fact
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that we have taken you out of the process.
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So let me, from my personal experiences,
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give you an insight, so that you can step back
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and maybe understand why it is so difficult to cope
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with the challenges of today and why politics
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is going down a blind alley.
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Let's start from the beginning.
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Let's start from democracy.
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Well, if you go back to the Ancient Greeks,
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it was a revelation, a discovery,
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that we had the potential, together,
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to be masters of our own fate,
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to be able to examine, to learn, to imagine,
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and then to design a better life.
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And democracy was the political innovation
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which protected this freedom,
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because we were liberated from fear
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so that our minds in fact,
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whether they be despots or dogmas,
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could be the protagonists.
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Democracy was the political innovation that allowed us
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to limit the power, whether it was of tyrants
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or of high priests,
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their natural tendency to maximize power and wealth.
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Well, I first began to understand this
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when I was 14 years old.
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I used to, to try to avoid homework,
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sneak down to the living room and listen to my parents
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and their friends debate heatedly.
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You see, then Greece was
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under control of a very powerful establishment
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which was strangling the country,
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and my father was heading a promising movement
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to reimagine Greece, to imagine a Greece
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where freedom reigned and where, maybe,
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the people, the citizens, could actually rule their own country.
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I used to join him in many of the campaigns,
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and you can see me here next to him.
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I'm the younger one there, to the side.
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You may not recognize me because
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I used to part my hair differently there.
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(Laughter)
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So in 1967, elections were coming,
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things were going well in the campaign,
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the house was electric.
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We really could sense that there was going to be
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a major progressive change in Greece.
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Then one night, military trucks drive up to our house.
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Soldiers storm the door.
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They find me up on the top terrace.
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A sergeant comes up to me with a machine gun,
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puts it to my head, and says,
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"Tell me where your father is or I will kill you."
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My father, hiding nearby, reveals himself,
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and was summarily taken to prison.
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Well, we survived, but democracy did not.
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Seven brutal years of dictatorship
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which we spent in exile.
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Now, today, our democracies are again
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facing a moment of truth.
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Let me tell you a story.
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Sunday evening,
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Brussels, April 2010.
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I'm sitting with my counterparts in the European Union.
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I had just been elected prime minister,
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but I had the unhappy privilege of revealing a truth
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that our deficit was not 6 percent,
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as had been officially reported only a few days earlier
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before the elections by the previous government,
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but actually 15.6 percent.
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But the deficit was only the symptom
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of much deeper problems that Greece was facing,
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and I had been elected on a mandate, a mission, actually,
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to tackle these problems,
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whether it was lack of transparency
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and accountability in governance,
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or whether it was a clientelistic state
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offering favors to the powerful -- tax avoidance
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abetted and aided by a global tax evasion system,
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politics and media captured by special interests.
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But despite our electoral mandate,
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the markets mistrusted us.
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Our borrowing costs were skyrocketing,
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and we were facing possible default.
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So I went to Brussels on a mission
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to make the case for a united European response,
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one that would calm the markets and give us the time
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to make the necessary reforms.
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But time we didn't get.
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Picture yourselves around the table in Brussels.
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Negotiations are difficult, the tensions are high,
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progress is slow, and then, 10 minutes to 2,
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a prime minister shouts out,
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"We have to finish in 10 minutes."
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I said, "Why? These are important decisions.
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Let's deliberate a little bit longer."
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Another prime minister comes in and says,
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"No, we have to have an agreement now,
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because in 10 minutes,
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the markets are opening up in Japan,
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and there will be havoc in the global economy."
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We quickly came to a decision in those 10 minutes.
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This time it was not the military,
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but the markets, that put a gun to our collective heads.
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What followed were the most difficult decisions in my life,
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painful to me, painful to my countrymen,
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imposing cuts, austerity,
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often on those not to blame for the crisis.
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With these sacrifices, Greece did avoid bankruptcy
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and the eurozone avoided a collapse.
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Greece, yes, triggered the Euro crisis,
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and some people blame me for pulling the trigger.
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But I think today that most would agree
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that Greece was only a symptom
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of much deeper structural problems in the eurozone,
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vulnerabilities in the wider global economic system,
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vulnerabilities of our democracies.
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Our democracies are trapped by systems too big to fail,
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or, more accurately, too big to control.
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Our democracies are weakened in the global economy
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with players that can evade laws, evade taxes,
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evade environmental or labor standards.
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Our democracies are undermined
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by the growing inequality
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and the growing concentration of power and wealth,
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lobbies, corruption, the speed of the markets
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or simply the fact that we sometimes fear an impending disaster,
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have constrained our democracies,
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and they have constrained our capacity
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to imagine and actually use the potential, your potential,
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in finding solutions.
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Greece, you see, was only a preview
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of what is in store for us all.
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I, overly optimistically, had hoped
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that this crisis was an opportunity for Greece, for Europe,
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for the world, to make radical democratic transformations
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in our institutions.
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Instead, I had a very humbling experience.
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In Brussels, when we tried desperately again and again
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to find common solutions,
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I realized that not one, not one of us,
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had ever dealt with a similar crisis.
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But worse, we were trapped by our collective ignorance.
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We were led by our fears.
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And our fears led to a blind faith
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in the orthodoxy of austerity.
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Instead of reaching out to the common
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or the collective wisdom in our societies,
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investing in it to find more creative solutions,
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we reverted to political posturing.
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And then we were surprised when every
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ad hoc new measure didn't bring an end to the crisis,
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and of course that made it very easy
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to look for a whipping boy
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for our collective European failure,
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and of course that was Greece.
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Those profligate, idle, ouzo-swilling, Zorba-dancing Greeks,
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they are the problem. Punish them!
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Well, a convenient but unfounded stereotype
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that sometimes hurt even more than austerity itself.
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But let me warn you, this is not just about Greece.
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This could be the pattern
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that leaders follow again and again
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when we deal with these complex, cross-border problems,
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whether it's climate change, whether it's migration,
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whether it's the financial system.
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That is, abandoning our collective power
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to imagine our potential,
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falling victims to our fears, our stereotypes, our dogmas,
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taking our citizens out of the process
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rather than building the process around our citizens.
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And doing so will only test the faith
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of our citizens, of our peoples, even more
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in the democratic process.
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It's no wonder that many political leaders,
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and I don't exclude myself,
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have lost the trust of our people.
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When riot police have to protect parliaments,
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a scene which is increasingly common around the world,
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then there's something deeply wrong with our democracies.
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That's why I called for a referendum to have the Greek people
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own and decide on the terms of the rescue package.
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My European counterparts, some of them, at least,
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said, "You can't do this.
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There will be havoc in the markets again."
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I said, "We need to, before we restore confidence in the markets,
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we need to restore confidence and trust amongst our people."
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Since leaving office, I have had time to reflect.
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We have weathered the storm, in Greece and in Europe,
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but we remain challenged.
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If politics is the power to imagine and use our potential,
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well then 60-percent youth unemployment in Greece,
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and in other countries, certainly is a lack of imagination
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if not a lack of compassion.
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So far, we've thrown economics at the problem,
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actually mostly austerity,
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and certainly we could have designed alternatives,
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a different strategy, a green stimulus for green jobs,
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or mutualized debt, Eurobonds which would
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support countries in need from market pressures,
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these would have been much more viable alternatives.
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Yet I have come to believe that the problem is not so much
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one of economics as it is one of democracy.
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So let's try something else.
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Let's see how we can bring people back to the process.
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Let's throw democracy at the problem.
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Again, the Ancient Greeks, with all their shortcomings,
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believed in the wisdom of the crowd
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at their best moments. In people we trust.
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Democracy could not work without the citizens
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deliberating, debating, taking on public responsibilities
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for public affairs.
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Average citizens often were chosen for citizen juries
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to decide on critical matters of the day.
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Science, theater, research, philosophy,
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games of the mind and the body,
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they were daily exercises.
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Actually they were an education for participation,
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for the potential, for growing the potential of our citizens.
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And those who shunned politics, well, they were idiots.
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You see, in Ancient Greece, in ancient Athens,
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that term originated there.
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"Idiot" comes from the root "idio," oneself.
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A person who is self-centered, secluded, excluded,
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someone who doesn't participate or even examine public affairs.
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And participation took place in the agora, the agora having two meanings,
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both a marketplace and a place where there was political deliberation.
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You see, markets and politics then were one, unified,
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accessible, transparent, because they gave power to the people.
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They serve the demos, democracy.
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Above government, above markets
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was the direct rule of the people.
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Today we have globalized the markets
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but we have not globalized our democratic institutions.
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So our politicians are limited to local politics,
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while our citizens, even though they see a great potential,
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are prey to forces beyond their control.
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So how then do we reunite the two halves of the agora?
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How do we democratize globalization?
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And I'm not talking about the necessary reforms
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of the United Nations or the G20.
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I'm talking about, how do we secure the space,
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the demos, the platform of values,
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so that we can tap into all of your potential?
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Well, this is exactly where I think Europe fits in.
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Europe, despite its recent failures,
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is the world's most successful cross-border peace experiment.
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So let's see if it can't be an experiment
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in global democracy, a new kind of democracy.
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Let's see if we can't design a European agora,
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not simply for products and services,
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but for our citizens, where they can work together,
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deliberate, learn from each other,
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exchange between art and cultures,
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where they can come up with creative solutions.
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Let's imagine that European citizens
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actually have the power to vote directly
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for a European president,
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or citizen juries chosen by lottery
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which can deliberate on critical and controversial issues,
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a European-wide referendum where our citizens,
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as the lawmakers, vote on future treaties.
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And here's an idea:
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Why not have the first truly European citizens
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by giving our immigrants,
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not Greek or German or Swedish citizenship,
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but a European citizenship?
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And make sure we actually empower
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the unemployed by giving them a voucher scholarship
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where they can choose to study anywhere in Europe.
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Where our common identity is democracy,
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where our education is through participation,
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and where participation builds trust
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and solidarity rather than exclusion and xenophobia.
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Europe of and by the people,
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a Europe, an experiment in deepening and widening
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democracy beyond borders.
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Now, some might accuse me of being naive,
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putting my faith in the power and the wisdom of the people.
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Well, after decades in politics, I am also a pragmatist.
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Believe me, I have been,
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I am, part of today's political system,
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and I know things must change.
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We must revive politics as the power to imagine,
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reimagine, and redesign for a better world.
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But I also know that this disruptive force of change
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won't be driven by the politics of today.
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The revival of democratic politics
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will come from you, and I mean all of you.
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Everyone who participates in this global exchange of ideas,
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whether it's here in this room
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or just outside this room
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or online or locally, where everybody lives,
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everyone who stands up to injustice and inequality,
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everybody who stands up to those who preach
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racism rather than empathy,
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dogma rather than critical thinking,
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technocracy rather than democracy,
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everyone who stands up to the unchecked power,
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whether it's authoritarian leaders,
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plutocrats hiding their assets in tax havens,
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or powerful lobbies protecting the powerful few.
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It is in their interest that all of us are idiots.
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Let's not be.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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Bruno Giussani: You seem to describe a political leadership
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that is kind of unprepared
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and a prisoner of the whims of the financial markets,
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17:45
and that scene in Brussels that you describe, to me,
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as a citizen, is terrifying.
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Help us understand how you felt after the decision.
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It was not a good decision, clearly,
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but how do you feel after that, not as the prime minister,
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but as George?
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George Papandreou: Well, obviously there were constraints
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which didn't allow me or others to make
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the types of decisions we would have wanted,
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and obviously I had hoped that we would have the time
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to make the reforms which would have dealt
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with the deficit rather than trying to cut the deficit
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which was the symptom of the problem.
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And that hurt. That hurt because that, first of all,
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hurt the younger generation, and not only,
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many of them are demonstrating outside,
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but I think this is one of our problems.
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When we face these crises, we have kept the potential,
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the huge potential of our society out of this process,
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and we are closing in on ourselves in politics,
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and I think we need to change that, to really find
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new participatory ways using the great capabilities
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that now exist even in technology but not only in technology,
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the minds that we have, and I think we can find solutions
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which are much better, but we have to be open.
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BG: You seem to suggest that the way forward
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is more Europe, and that is not to be an easy discourse
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right now in most European countries.
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It's rather the other way -- more closed borders
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and less cooperation and maybe even stepping out
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of some of the different parts of the European construction.
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How do you reconcile that?
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GP: Well, I think one of the worst things that happened
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during this crisis is that we started a blame game.
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And the fundamental idea of Europe is that
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we can cooperate beyond borders,
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go beyond our conflicts and work together.
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And the paradox is that, because we have this blame game,
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we have less the potential to convince our citizens
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that we should work together,
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while now is the time when we really need
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to bring our powers together.
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Now, more Europe for me is not simply
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giving more power to Brussels.
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It is actually giving more power to the citizens of Europe,
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that is, really making Europe a project of the people.
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So that, I think, would be a way to answer
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some of the fears that we have in our society.
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BG: George, thank you for coming to TED.
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GP: Thank you very much.BG: Thank you.(Applause)
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