The rise of modern populism - Takis S. Pappas

翻译人员: Yuxin Zhang 校对人员: Su Wang

In the mid-1970s, after decades of political turmoil,

在 20 世纪 70 年代中期， 经历了数十年的政治动荡，

Greece finally seemed to be on the path to stability.

希腊的局势似乎 终于开始趋于稳定。

With the introduction of a new constitution

随着新宪法的制定，

and negotiations underway to enter European institutions,

以及正在进行的 加入欧洲机构的谈判，

many analysts expected Greek politics

许多分析家预测希腊政治

to follow the pattern of the larger Western world.

将遵循更大的西方世界的格局。

Then in 1981, a political party called PASOK came to power.

接着，在 1981 年，一个叫做 帕索克（PASOK）的政党上台。

Its charismatic leader Andreas Papandreou railed against the new constitution,

该党的迷人领袖安德烈亚斯·帕潘德里欧 （Andreas Papandreou）反对新的宪法，

and accused those in power of “national betrayal.”

并指控掌权的那些人为"卖国份子"。

Opposing Greece’s membership in NATO and the European Economic Community,

帕潘德里欧反对希腊加入 北约（NATO）和欧洲经济共同体，

Papandreou promised to govern for the betterment of the “common people"

并许诺，他的理念是

above all else.

“平民百姓”的利益高于一切。

He famously declared, “there are no institutions, only the people exist.”

他的著名宣言是， “这里没有制度，只有人民的存在。”

Papandreou’s rise to power isn’t a unique story.

无独有偶，

In many democratic countries around the world,

在全世界许多民主国家中，

charismatic leaders vilify political opponents,

具有超凡魅力的领导人 常常诽谤政治对手，

disparage institutions, and claim the mantle of the people.

贬低制度，并宣称是以人民的名义。

Some critics label this approach as authoritarian or fascist,

一些评论家把这种做法贴上了 “专制主义”或“法西斯主义”的标签，

and many argue that these leaders are using emotions

并且许多人认为， 这些领导人在利用情绪

to manipulate and deceive voters.

操纵和欺骗选民，

But whether or not this style of politics is ethical, it's certainly democratic,

但无论这种政治方法是否道德， 它肯定是民主的，

and it goes by the name of populism.

而被称为“民粹主义”。

The term populism has been around since Ancient Rome,

自古罗马时代以来， 民粹主义一词就已经存在，

and has its roots in the Latin word “populus” meaning “the people."

它的词根是拉丁文 “populus”， 意思是 “人民”。

But since then populism has been used to describe dozens of political movements,

但从那以后，民粹主义开始 被用来形容数十种政治运动，

often with counterintuitive and sometimes contradictory goals.

通常是与预期目标相反的， 有时甚至是矛盾的目标。

Populist movements have rebelled against monarchies, monopolies,

民粹主义运动曾经 抵抗过君主政治、垄断

and a wide variety of powerful institutions.

以及许多强大的制度。

It’s not possible to cover the full history of this term here.

这个词的历史很难用几句话说清。

Instead, we’re focusing on one specific type of populism—

因此，我们只把焦点放在 一种特定的民粹主义上，

the kind that describes Papandreou’s administration

它被用来描述帕潘德里欧的政府，

and numerous other governments over the last 70 years: modern populism.

以及过去七十年间的许多其他政府： “现代民粹主义”。

But to understand how political theorists define this phenomenon

但若要了解政治评论家 如何定义这种现象，

we first need to explore what it’s responding to.

我们首先需要探究它因何而生。

In the aftermath of World War Two,

第二次世界大战后，

many countries wanted to move away from totalitarian ideologies.

许多国家想要远离 极权主义的意识形态。

They sought a new political system

他们在寻找一种新的政治制度，

that prioritized individual and social rights,

该制度优先考虑 个人权利和社会权利，

aimed at political consensus, and respected the rule of law.

旨在达成政治共识， 并尊重法治。

As a result, most Western nations adopted a longstanding form of government

结果，大多数西方国家 采用了已长期存在的政府形式，

called liberal democracy.

名为“自由民主”。

In this context, “liberal” doesn’t refer to any political party,

在这种情况下， “自由”并不是指任何政党，

but rather a type of democracy that has three essential components.

而是一种民主类型， 具有三个基本元素。

First, liberal democracies accept that society

首先，自由民主制接受

is full of many, often crosscutting divisions that generate conflict.

社会充满许多可产生冲突、 互相交错的部分。

Second, it requires that society’s many factions

其次，它要求社会中的各个派系

seek common ground across those divisions.

跨越分歧，寻找共同点。

Finally, liberal democracies rely on the rule of law

最后，自由民主制度依靠法律法规，

and the protection of minority rights,

保护少数群体的权利，

as specified in constitutions and legal statutes.

正如宪法和法律法规所规定的。

Taken together, these ideals propose

综上所述，这些理念提出，

that tolerance and institutions that protect us from intolerance,

宽容和保护我们远离 不宽容的制度，

are the bedrock of a functional and diverse democratic society.

是一个功能健全、 多元化的民主社会的基石。

Liberal democracies helped bring stability to the nations that adopted them.

自由民主制度为 采用它的国家带来了稳定。

But like any system of government, they didn’t solve everything.

但如同任何政治制度一样， 它们无法解决所有问题。

Among other issues, an ever-increasing wealth gap

其中一个就是， 贫富差距的不断扩大，

led to underserved communities

导致贫困社区不信任

who distrusted both their wealthy neighbors and their political leaders.

他们富有的邻居和政治领导人。

In some cases, political corruption further damaged the public's trust.

在某些情况下，政治腐败 进一步了破坏大众的信任，

Growing suspicion and resentment around these politicians

公民对这些政客 越来越怀疑和不满，

primed citizens to look for a new kind of leader

致使他们想要找寻 一个新的领导人，

who would challenge established institutions

一个能够挑战现有制度

and put the needs of the people first.

并且将人民需求放在第一位的人。

In many ways, this reaction highlights democracy in action:

从许多方面来看，这种反应 突出了民主制的运作方式：

if the majority of a population feels their interests are underrepresented,

如果大部分民众没有 感受到自身利益被充分代表，

they can elect leaders to change that using existing democratic systems.

他们可以利用现有民主制度 选举出新的领导者去改变现状。

But this is where assertive, modern populist candidates can subvert democracy.

但这正是独断的现代民粹主义 可以颠覆民主的地方。

Modern populists identify themselves as embodying the "will of the people,"

现代民粹主义自称 是 “人民意志” 的象征，

and they place those interests

并且他们将这些利益

above the institutions that protect individual and social rights.

置于保护个人 和社会权利的机构之上。

Modern populists argue these institutions

现代民粹主义者认为，

are run by a self-serving ruling minority,

这些机构是由自私的少数政权主导，

who seek to control the vast majority of virtuous common people.

那些人试图控制 绝大多数善良的普通百姓。

As a result, politics is no longer about seeking compromise and consensus

因此，政客们不再通过 包容的民主制度

through tolerant democratic institutions.

寻求妥协与共识。

Instead, these leaders seek to overturn what they see as a broken system.

相反，这些领导人试图推翻 他们所谓的“腐朽残破的系统”。

This means that where a liberal democracy has the utmost respect for institutions

这就意味着，在自由民主制 给予最大尊重的地方，

like courtrooms, free press, and national constitutions,

例如法院，新闻 和国家宪法等机构，

modern populists disparage any establishment that disagrees

民粹主义鄙视任何

with the so-called “common will."

不同意所谓 “共同意志” 的机构。

Modern populist parties have arisen in many places,

现代民粹主义的党派 已经在许多地方兴起，

but the leaders of these movements are remarkably similar.

但这些运动的领导者都极为相似。

They’re often charismatic individuals

他们通常很有魅力，

who identify themselves as embodying the “will of the people."

自称自己体现了 “人民的意志”。

They make exorbitant promises to their supporters,

他们对自己的支持者 做出了过高的承诺，

while casting their opponents as traitors actively undermining the country.

同时将他们的对手当成 积极破坏国家的叛国者。

But whether these politicians are sincere believers or manipulative opportunists,

但是，无论这些政客是真诚的信奉者， 还是操纵性的机会主义者，

the dynamics they unleash

他们引起的动乱

can be profoundly destabilizing for liberal democracy.

都可能极大地破坏 自由民主的稳定。

Even when modern populist leaders don’t follow through

即使民粹主义领导者没有遵循

with their most extreme promises,

他们极端的承诺，

their impact on political discourse, the rule of law, and public trust

他们对政治话语、 法治和公众信任的影响

can long outlast their time in office.

也会使他们的在任时间更长。