Governments don't understand cyber warfare. We need hackers | Rodrigo Bijou

Prevoditelj: Marija Saric Recezent: Ivan Stamenković

In 2008, Burhan Hassan, age 17,

2008. godine, Burhan Hassan, 17-godišnjak,

boarded a flight from Minneapolis

ukrcao se na let iz Minneapolisa

to the Horn of Africa.

za Afrički rog.

And while Burhan was the youngest recruit,

Dok je Burhan najmlađi regrut,

he was not alone.

nije bio jedini.

Al-Shabaab managed to recruit over two dozen young men

Al-Shabaab uspio je regrutirati više od 20 mladića,

in their late teens and early 20s

starijih tinejdžera i onih u ranim 20-ima

with a heavy presence on social media platforms like Facebook.

kroz snažnu prisutnost na platformama društvenih medija poput Facebooka.

With the Internet and other technologies,

Internet i druge tehnologije

they've changed our everyday lives,

promijenile su našu svakodnevnicu,

but they've also changed recruitment, radicalization

ali su promijenili i načine regrutiranja, radikalizacije

and the front lines of conflict today.

i prve fronte suvremenih sukoba.

What about the links connecting Twitter,

Što je s vezama između Twittera,

Google and protesters fighting for democracy?

Googlea i prosvjednika koji se bore za demokraciju?

These numbers represent Google's public DNS servers,

Ove brojke predstavljaju Googleove javne DNS servere

što je praktički bio jedini digitalni prijelaz granice

effectively the only digital border crossing

protesters had and could use

koji su prosvjednici mogli koristiti

to communicate with each other, to reach the outside world

za međusobnu komunikaciju, za kontakt s vanjskim svijetom

and to spread viral awareness

te za viralno širenje svijesti

of what was happening in their own country.

o tome što se događa u njihovoj državi.

Today, conflict is essentially borderless.

Danas, sukob nema granice.

If there are bounds to conflict today,

Ako granice sukoba postoje,

they're bound by digital, not physical geography.

one su omeđene digitalnom, a ne fizičkom geografijom.

And under all this is a vacuum of power

Ispod svega ovoga je vakuum moći,

where non-state actors, individuals and private organizations

u kojem nedržavni akteri, pojedinci i privatne organizacije

have the advantage over slow, outdated military and intelligence agencies.

imaju prednost pred sporim i zastarjelim vojnim i obavještajnim agencijama.

And this is because, in the digital age of conflict,

Ovo se događa jer u digitalnom dobu sukoba

there exists a feedback loop

postoji povratna sprega

where new technologies, platforms like the ones I mentioned,

gdje nove tehnologije, platforme koje sam spominjao,

and more disruptive ones,

ali i razornije,

can be adapted, learned, and deployed by individuals and organizations

pojedinci i organizacije mogu prilagoditi, naučiti i iskoristiti

faster than governments can react.

brže nego što vlast može reagirati.

To understand the pace of our own government thinking on this,

Kako bismo razumjeli tempo razmišljanja naše vlasti o ovome,

I like to turn to something aptly named

okrenuo bih se nečemu prigodno nazvanim

the Worldwide Threat Assessment,

Worldwide Threat Assessment,

where every year the Director of National Intelligence in the US

u kojoj Direktor obavještajnih službi SAD-a

looks at the global threat landscape,

pregledava svjetske prijetnje

and he says, "These are the threats, these are the details,

i kaže: "Ovo su prijetnje, ovo su detalji,

and this is how we rank them."

a ovako ih rangiramo."

In 2007, there was absolutely no mention of cyber security.

2007. uopće nije bilo spomena cyber sigurnosti.

It took until 2011, when it came at the end,

2011. nalazila se na začelju,

where other things, like West African drug trafficking, took precedence.

pri čemu su stvari poput trgovine drogom u Zapadnoj Africi bile ispred.

In 2012, it crept up, still behind things like terrorism and proliferation.

2012., podigla se, ali još uvijek iza terorizma i proliferacije.

In 2013, it became the top threat,

2013. postala je glavna prijetnja

in 2014 and for the foreseeable future.

za 2014. i skoru budućnost.

What things like that show us

Ovo nam pokazuje

is that there is a fundamental inability today

da danas postoji bitna nesposobnost vlasti

on the part of governments to adapt and learn in digital conflict,

za prilagodbu i učenje u digitalnom sukobu,

where conflict can be immaterial, borderless, often wholly untraceable.

u kojem je sukob nematerijalan, bez granica i teško mu je ući u trag.

And conflict isn't just online to offline, as we see with terrorist radicalization,

On ne ide samo iz online u offline svijet, kao kod terorističke radikalizacije,

but it goes the other way as well.

nego ide i u drugom smjeru.

We all know the horrible events that unfolded in Paris this year

Upoznati smo sa strašnim događajima koji su se odvijali u Parizu ove godine

with the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks.

s terorističkim napadom na Charlie Hebdo.

What an individual hacker or a small group of anonymous individuals did

Jedan haker ili manja grupa anonimnih pojedinaca

was enter those social media conversations that so many of us took part in.

uključili su se u razgovor na društvenim medijima, u kojima su mnogi sudjelovali,

#JeSuisCharlie.

#JeSuisCharlie.

On Facebook, on Twitter, on Google,

Na Facebooku, Twitteru i Googleu

all sorts of places where millions of people, myself included,

i drugim mjestima gdje su milijuni ljudi, uključujući i mene,

were talking about the events

razgovarali o događajima

and saw images like this,

i vidjeli ovakve slike,

the emotional, poignant image of a baby with "Je suis Charlie" on its wrist.

emotivnu, tešku sliku bebe s "Je suis Charlie" na zapešću.

And this turned into a weapon.

Ovo se pretvorilo u oružje.

What the hackers did was weaponize this image,

Hakeri su od ove slike napravili oružje,

where unsuspecting victims,

a nesumnjičave žrtve,

like all of us in those conversations,

poput svih nas u ovim razgovorima,

saw this image, downloaded it

vidjele su sliku, skinule ju,

but it was embedded with malware.

no ona je sadržavala zlonamjerni softver.

And so when you downloaded this image,

Kada bi skinuli ovu sliku,

it hacked your system.

hakirala bi vaš sustav.

It took six days to deploy a global malware campaign.

Trebalo je šest dana za pokretanje globalne kampanje protiv zlonamjernog softvera.

The divide between physical and digital domains today

Podjela između fizičke i digitalne domene danas

ceases to exist,

prestaje postojati,

where we have offline attacks like those in Paris

gdje se offline napadi poput onih u Parizu

appropriated for online hacks.

prilagođavaju za online hakiranja.

And it goes the other way as well, with recruitment.

Ovo ide i u suprotnom smjeru kroz regrutaciju.

We see online radicalization of teens,

Vidimo online radikalizaciju tinejdžera

who can then be deployed globally for offline terrorist attacks.

koji se tada globalno mogu upotrijebiti za offline terorističke napade.

With all of this, we see that there's a new 21st century battle brewing,

Kroz sve ovo, vidimo da se stvara nova borba 21. stoljeća,

and governments don't necessarily take a part.

a vlasti nužno ne sudjeluju u njoj.

So in another case, Anonymous vs. Los Zetas.

Drugi slučaj je Anonymous protiv Los Zetas.

In early September 2011 in Mexico,

U ranom rujnu 2011., u Meksiku,

Los Zetas, one of the most powerful drug cartels,

Los Zetas, jedan od najmoćnijih kartela,

hung two bloggers with a sign that said,

objesili su dva blogera uz znak na kojem je pisalo:

"This is what will happen to all Internet busybodies."

"Ovo će se dogoditi svim zabadalima na internetu."

A week later, they beheaded a young girl.

Tjedan dana poslije, mladoj djevojci su odrubili glavu.

They severed her head, put it on top of her computer

Odsjekli su joj glavu i stavili na njezino računalo

with a similar note.

sa sličnom porukom.

And taking the digital counteroffensive

Digitalni protunapad,

because governments couldn't even understand what was going on or act,

jer vlasti nisu razumjele što se događa niti znale što raditi,

Anonymous, a group we might not associate as the most positive force in the world,

učinio je Anonymous, grupa koju ne vidimo kao najpozitivniju silu u svijetu,

took action,

poduzeli su akciju,

not in cyber attacks, but threatening information to be free.

ne kroz cyber napade, nego kroz prijetnje o otkrivanju informacija.

On social media, they said,

Na društvenim medijima poručili su:

"We will release information

"Razotkrit ćemo informacije

that ties prosecutors and governors to corrupt drug deals with the cartel."

koje povezuju tužitelje i guvernere s korupcijom i dilerima kartela.

And escalating that conflict,

Kako bi eskalirali ovaj sukob,

Los Zetas said, "We will kill 10 people for every bit of information you release."

Los Zetas su rekli: "Ubit ćemo 10 ljudi za svaki bit informacije koji otkrijete."

And so it ended there because it would become too gruesome to continue.

Završilo je na tome jer je postalo premorbidno nastaviti.

But what was powerful about this

No moćna stvar u ovome je

was that anonymous individuals,

što su anonimni pojedinci,

not federal policia, not military, not politicians,

a ne savezna policija, vojska ili političari,

could strike fear deep into the heart

uspjeli unijeti strah u kosti

of one of the most powerful, violent organizations in the world.

jednoj od najmoćnijih i najnasilnijih organizacija na svijetu.

And so we live in an era

Živimo u doba

that lacks the clarity of the past in conflict,

u kojem nema jasnoće prijašnjih sukoba

in who we're fighting, in the motivations behind attacks,

o tome protiv koga se borimo, o motivacijama iza napada,

in the tools and techniques used,

o alatima i tehnikama

and how quickly they evolve.

te brzini njihove evolucije.

And the question still remains:

Pitanje koje preostaje je:

what can individuals, organizations and governments do?

što mogu učiniti pojedinci, organizacije i vlast?

For answers to these questions, it starts with individuals,

Odgovor na ova pitanja počinje s pojedincima

and I think peer-to-peer security is the answer.

i mislim da je odgovor peer-to-peer sigurnost.

Those people in relationships that bought over teens online,

Ljudi koji su u ovim vezama pridobili tinejdžere na internetu,

we can do that with peer-to-peer security.

možemo učiniti to kroz peer-to-peer sigurnost.

Individuals have more power than ever before

Pojedinci imaju više moći nego ikada prije

to affect national and international security.

utjecati na nacionalnu i međunarodnu sigurnost.

And we can create those positive peer-to-peer relationships

Možemo stvoriti ove pozitivne peer-to-peer veze

on and offline,

na i izvan interneta,

we can support and educate the next generation of hackers, like myself,

možemo podržavati i obrazovati sljedeću generaciju hakera, poput mene,

instead of saying, "You can either be a criminal or join the NSA."

umjesto da govorimo: "Možeš biti ili kriminalac ili raditi za NSA."

That matters today.

Ovo je danas bitno.

And it's not just individuals -- it's organizations, corporations even.

Ne radi se samo o pojedincima -- nego i o organizacijama i korporacijama.

They have an advantage to act across more borders,

Imate prednost djelovati preko više granica

more effectively and more rapidly than governments can,

učinkovitije i brže od vlasti,

and there's a set of real incentives there.

a tu je i niz pravih poticaja.

It's profitable and valuable

Profitabilno je i vrijedno

to be seen as trustworthy in the digital age,

doimati se pouzdanim u ovo digitano doba,

and will only be more so in future generations to come.

a ovo će biti sve važnije budućim generacijama.

But we still can't ignore government,

No ipak ne možemo ignorirati vlast

because that's who we turn to for collective action

jer se njoj okrećemo za kolektivnu akciju

to keep us safe and secure.

radi sigurnosti i zaštite.

But we see where that's gotten us so far,

No vidimo kamo nas je to dovelo

where there's an inability to adapt and learn in digital conflict,

zbog nesposobnosti prilagodbe i učenja u digitalnom sukobu,

where at the highest levels of leadership,

gdje na najvišim razinama vodstva,

the Director of the CIA, Secretary of Defense,

Direktor CIA-e i Ministar obrane

they say, "Cyber Pearl Harbor will happen." "Cyber 9/11 is imminent."

kažu: "Cyber Pearl Harbor će se dogoditi." "Cyber 11.09. je neminovan."

But this only makes us more fearful, not more secure.

No zbog ovoga smo sve uplašeniji, ne osjećamo se sigurnije.

By banning encryption in favor of mass surveillance and mass hacking,

Zabranom šifriranja u korist masovnog nadzora i hakiranja,

sure, GCHQ and the NSA can spy on you.

naravno, GCHQ i NSA vas mogu špijunirati.

But that doesn't mean that they're the only ones that can.

No to ne znači da su oni jedini.

Capabilities are cheap, even free.

Mogućnosti su jeftine ili čak besplatne.

Technical ability is rising around the world,

Tehničke sposobnosti su u porastu diljem svijeta,

and individuals and small groups have the advantage.

a pojedinci i male grupe su u prednosti.

So today it might just be the NSA and GCHQ,

Danas su to možda NSA i GCHQ,

but who's to say that the Chinese can't find that backdoor?

ali tko kaže da Kinezi ne mogu pronaći taj stražnji ulaz?

Or in another generation, some kid in his basement in Estonia?

Ili u idućoj generaciji, neki klinac u svom podrumu u Estoniji?

And so I would say that it's not what governments can do,

Rekao bih da nije stvar u tome što vlast može učiniti,

it's that they can't.

nego u onome što ne može.

Governments today need to give up power and control

Današnje vlasti moraju prepustiti moć i kontrolu

in order to help make us more secure.

kako bi nam pomogli zaštititi nas.

Giving up mass surveillance and hacking and instead fixing those backdoors

Gašenjem masovnog nadzora i hakiranja te zatvaranjem ovih stražnjih ulaza

means that, yeah, they can't spy on us,

znači da nas oni ne mogu špijunirati,

but neither can the Chinese

ali ne mogu ni Kinezi

or that hacker in Estonia a generation from now.

ili taj haker iduće generacije iz Estonije.

And government support for technologies like Tor and Bitcoin

Podrška vlasti tehnologijama poput Tora i Bitcoina

mean giving up control,

znači predaju kontrole,

but it means that developers, translators, anybody with an Internet connection,

ali znači da developeri, prevoditelji, bilo tko s internet vezom

in countries like Cuba, Iran and China, can sell their skills, their products,

u državama poput Kube, Irana ili Kine, mogu prodati svoje vještine i proizvode

in the global marketplace,

na globalnom tržištu,

but more importantly sell their ideas,

ali i prodati svoje ideje,

show us what's happening in their own countries.

pokazati nam što se događa u njihovim državama.

And so it should be not fearful,

Stoga ne bi trebalo plašiti,

it should be inspiring to the same governments

nego inspirirati ove vlasti,

that fought for civil rights, free speech and democracy

koje su se borile za civilna prava, slobodu govora i demokraciju

in the great wars of the last century,

u velikim ratovima prošlog stoljeća,

that today, for the first time in human history,

da danas, prvi puta u ljudskoj povijesti,

we have a technical opportunity

imamo tehničku mogućnost

to make billions of people safer around the world

zaštititi milijarde ljudi diljem svijeta

that we've never had before in human history.

koju nikada prije nismo imali.

It should be inspiring.

Ovo bi nas trebalo inspirirati.

(Applause)

(Pljesak)