What happened when these 6 dictators took over? - Stephanie Honchell Smith

譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: C Leung

According to legend, the ancient Roman statesman Cincinnatus

據傳說，古羅馬政治家 辛辛納圖斯

was plowing his fields when news arrived that the Aequi,

在他的田裡耕作時， 聽到消息說羅馬東邊的強敵，

Rome’s powerful enemy to the east, had invaded.

埃奎人已經入侵。

Rome was in need of swift, decisive action,

羅馬需要迅速、果斷的行動，

and the senate had chosen him to serve as dictator,

而元老院選擇他來擔任獨裁官，

with absolute power over the military and government.

給他掌管軍隊和政府的絕對權力。

Cincinnatus set down his plow, took control and,

辛辛納圖斯放下他的犁具 去接管政局，

in a matter of weeks, saved Rome.

在幾週內就拯救了羅馬。

This story reinforces the myth of the “benevolent dictator”—

這個故事強化了 「仁慈獨裁者」的神話——

the idea of a leader who holds absolute power,

這種領導人握有絕對權力，

yet only uses it for the common good, to address problems efficiently,

但只把權力用在共同利益上，

有效地處理問題，

and create a just regime.

創造出公正的政權。

But can a truly benevolent dictator exist in today’s world?

但是，真正的仁慈獨裁者 有可能存在於現今世界嗎？

Nations established modern democracies to safeguard

各國建立了現代民主制度，

以防止單一個人的 一時衝動造成破壞。

against the potentially destructive whims of a single individual.

When functioning properly, democracies enable a society to be freer,

如果民主制度能妥善運作， 它能夠防止腐敗和權力濫用，

and provide stability by protecting against corruption and the abuse of power.

讓社會會更自由，還能帶來穩定。

This is accomplished by holding regular, free, and fair elections,

達成這個目標靠著 定期舉辦自由公平的選舉、

imposing term limits,

實行任期限制，

and establishing strong legislative branches and court systems.

以及建立強大的立法機構

和法院系統。

Maintaining a free press also helps keep politicians accountable for their actions

確保新聞自由也有助於 讓政治人物為自己的行為負責，

and encourages citizens to engage in their governments and communities.

也能鼓勵公民參與 他們的政府和社區事務。

In a dictatorship, absolute or near-absolute power

在獨裁政權下， 絕對或近乎絕對的權力

is held by a single individual

全屬一人掌握，

who is free to impose their vision on society.

這人可以自由地 把自己的遠景加諸在社會上。

Under certain conditions, the idea of a dictator can sound appealing,

在某些情況下， 獨裁者的概念聽起來會很吸引，

like when a democracy isn't functioning as it should due to corruption,

比如因為腐敗 、經濟不穩 或極端政治兩極化

economic instability, or extreme political polarization.

造成民主制度無法運作時。

At these moments,

這時候，

people may be willing to give up some democratic rights and freedoms

人民可能會願意放棄 一些民主權利和自由，

for hopes of a better future.

以期望能有更好的未來。

Authoritarian-leaning leaders present themselves

傾向於獨裁主義的領導者

會將自己塑造成能夠解決一切的人。

as the ones who can fix everything.

They distill complex problems into simple talking points

他們將複雜的問題 精簡為簡單的談話要點，

and promise quick solutions.

並承諾快速的解決方案。

Some of the most overt authoritarian leaders have taken this strategy,

一些最公然的獨裁者 都採取了這項策略，

including military dictators who seized control through coups

包括透過政變 取得控制權的軍事獨裁者，

like Augusto Pinochet, Mobuto Sese Seko, and Muammar Gaddafi.

比如奧古斯托‧皮諾契特、 蒙博托‧塞塞‧塞科、

及穆安瑪爾‧格達費。

Gaddafi, for example, initially asserted himself as a revolutionary hero,

以格達費為例， 他最初聲稱自己是革命英雄，

canceling the country's exploitative foreign oil contracts.

取消了該國剝削性的外國石油合約。

But the longer he was in power, the more riddled with paranoia he became.

但他掌權的時間越長， 他就變得越偏執妄想。

Like Pinochet and Mobuto, he used his position to target and torture opponents,

和皮諾切特及蒙博托一樣，

他利用自己的地位 來針對和折磨反對者，

embark on campaigns of mass violence against everyday people,

對普通民眾發動大規模暴力行動，

and build an enormous personal fortune.

並累積了大量個人財富。

Other modern dictators were initially elected democratically,

其他現代獨裁者一開始 是以民主方式當選的，

then strategically accumulated power by embracing authoritarian forms of control.

接著透過獨裁式控制， 策略性去累積權力，

Italy’s Benito Mussolini and Germany’s Adolf Hitler, for example,

比如，義大利的貝尼托‧墨索里尼 和德國的阿道夫‧希特勒

gained popularity during waves of mass discontent.

都是在群眾不滿的浪潮中獲得人氣。

Both channeled economic woes into racist rhetoric and embraced fascism,

兩人都將經濟困境 轉變成種族主義的言論，

並擁抱法西斯主義，

a type of authoritarianism which exalts the importance of one nation, or race,

這是一種獨裁主義，

將國家或種族的重要性 置於其他國家或種族之上。

above all others.

Once in office, such leaders gradually dismantle checks on their power,

上任後，這類領導人會逐步 解除對其權力的制約，

including removing judges who might rule against them,

包括將可能對他們 做出不利裁決的法官免職、

abolishing term limits,

廢除任期限制，

or refusing to acknowledge unfavorable election results.

或拒絕承認對其不利的選舉結果。

Since they punish dissenting voices,

因為獨裁者會懲罰異己， 他們周遭通常都是唯命是從的人，

dictators are often surrounded with yes-men,

who are promoted based on loyalty over expertise,

這些人升遷是單靠忠心而非其專長，

ultimately wreaking incalculable economic, social, and environmental costs.

最終會造成難以估計的 經濟、社會和環境代價。

But these costs can also be hidden from view.

但這些代價也可以 隱瞞起來不被看見。

Dictators build up cults of personality by minimizing negative coverage

獨裁者會建立個人崇拜，

讓負面報導減到最少， 並推動正面政治宣傳，

and pushing positive propaganda that presents them as strong or heroic.

幫他們塑造成强者或英雄。

This can make it almost impossible to accurately measure their success.

因此，幾乎不可能 準確地衡量他們的成就。

Did Mussolini really make the trains run on time?

墨索里尼真的有讓火車都能準點嗎？

It’s hard to know, since he would have punished those who said otherwise.

很難說，因為他會懲罰不認同的人。

While some modern dictators have brought modest growth

雖然有些現代獨裁者， 為其國家經濟和工業帶來一些增長，

to their nation’s economies and industries,

most have enriched the few and left widespread destruction in their wake.

但大部分獨裁者都是 讓少數人發財，卻留下廣泛的破壞。

Even so-called benevolent dictators, whose regimes lacked overt violence,

即使是所謂的仁慈獨裁者， 政權沒有明顯的暴力行為，

stand accused of censoring journalists

也被指控審查記者

and limiting the rights and freedoms of citizens.

以及限制公民的權利和自由。

Back to ancient Rome.

回到古羅馬。

Perhaps the most important dimension

也許辛辛納圖斯傳奇般的 仁慈獨裁政權的最重要特點

of Cincinnatus’ legendary benevolent dictatorship

is not that he held total power,

並非他擁有全面權力，

but that he gave it up after only 16 days.

而是他在僅僅十六天之後 就放棄了這些權力。

Once Rome was safe, he stepped down and retired to his fields.

一旦羅馬安全， 他便退位及退隱田園。

His willingness to relinquish control to the senate was as important

他願意把控制權讓給元老院，

對共同利益的重要性 與他抵抗入侵者的能力一樣。

to the common good as his ability to fend off invaders.

In practice, no modern dictator has lived up to this ideal.

實際上，沒有任何一個現代獨裁者 能符合這個理念。

Dictators don’t willingly walk away from power,

獨裁者不願放棄權力，

they continuously crave more.

反而一直渴望更多權力。

That’s why institutions that provide checks on leaders must be safeguarded:

這就是為何必須要保護 負責監督領導者的機構：

in the hands of an aspiring dictator,

在有野心的獨裁者手中，

even seemingly robust democracies

就連看似穩健的民主制度

can sink into repressive, authoritarian regimes.

也可能沉淪成為壓迫、獨裁政權。