It's time for the law to protect victims of gender violence | Laura L. Dunn

翻译人员: jacks peng 校对人员: Yolanda Zhang

Throughout the United States, there is growing social awareness

美国上下，越来越多的人意识到

that sexual violence and harassment are far too common occurrences

性暴力和性骚扰在我们的各个组织中

within our various institutions --

发生得实在过于普遍了。

occurrences often without any accountability.

这些行为却常常没有受到任何追究。

As a result, the Me Too movement is upon us,

于是，“我也是（Me Too）” 这个运动诞生了。

and survivors everywhere are speaking out to demand change.

各地的受害者都在 大声疾呼，要求改变现状。

Students have rallied against sexual assault on campus.

学生们在校园集会反对性侵犯，

Service members have demanded Congress reform the military,

服役人员要求国会改革军队，

and workers ranging from Hollywood stars to janitorial staff

从好莱坞明星到门卫的工作人员，

have called out sexual harassment in the workplace.

都在大声揭露办公场所的性骚扰。

This is a tipping point.

这是一个转折点。

This is when a social movement can create lasting legal change.

这是一个社会运动创造 持久法律变革的时候。

But only if we switch tactics.

但前提是我们要改变策略。

Instead of going institution by institution, fighting for reform,

不要再通过一个又一个机构 去争取变革，

it's time to go to the Constitution.

是时候诉诸于宪法了。

As it stands, the US Constitution denies fundamental protections

就目前的情况看，美国宪法并没有对

to victims of gender violence such as sexual assault,

性侵犯，亲密伴侣暴力和骚扰

intimate partner violence

等性别暴力行为的受害者

and stalking.

提供基本保护。

Specifically, the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution,

尤其是宪法第十四条修正案，

which prohibits state governments from abusing its citizens,

旨在禁止政府滥用权力，

does not require state governments to intervene

不要求州政府干涉

when private parties abuse its citizens.

在私人团体中发生的， 虐待其成员的行为。

So what does that mean in real life?

那么这在现实中意味着什么？

That means that when a woman calls the police from her home,

这意味着当一个女性在家中报警，

afraid that an intruder may attack her,

担忧入侵者将要攻击她时，

she is not entitled to the state's protection.

她没有资格得到国家保护。

Not only can the police fail to respond,

不仅警方无法做出回应，

but she will be left without any legal remedy

甚至当可预防的伤害发生后，

if preventable harm occurs as a result.

她也不受任何法律保护。

How can this be?

为什么会这样？

It is because the state, theoretically,

这是因为国家，在理论上

acts on behalf of all citizens collectively,

代表全民的共同利益，

not any one citizen individually.

而非针对每一个个体。

The resulting constitutional flaw directly contradicts international law,

由此产生的宪法缺陷 直接违背了国际法。

which requires nation-states to intervene

国际法要求国家干预

and protect citizens against gender violence by private parties

和保护公民免受 亲密伴侣的性别暴力，

as a human right.

这是一项人权。

Instead of requiring intervention,

不干预也罢了，

our Constitution leaves discretion --

我们的宪法还留下了 自由裁量权——

discretion that states have used to discriminate systemically

使得州政府习惯了系统性歧视，

to deny countless victims any remedy.

去否决无数受害者的任何补救措施。

Unlike what you may have seen on "Law & Order: SVU,"

跟你们在《法律与秩序：特殊受害者》 中看到的不一样，

justice is rare for victims of gender violence.

正义很少降临到 性别暴力受害者身上。

And even in those rare cases where law enforcement has chosen to act,

即便在极少数的案子中， 执法部门已经选择采取行动，

victims have no rights during the resulting criminal process.

受害者在刑事诉讼过程中 也没有任何权利。

You see, victims are not parties in a criminal case.

你看，受害者并不是 刑事案件的当事人。

Rather, they are witnesses;

相反，它们是证人，

their bodies, evidence.

他们的身体，是证据。

The prosecution does not represent the interests of a victim.

控方不代表受害人的利益，

Rather, the prosecution represents the interests of the state.

相反，控方代表着国家的利益。

And the state has the discretion to dismiss criminal charges,

国家有权撤销刑事指控，

enter lax plea deals

进入宽松的认罪协议，

and otherwise remove a victim's voice from the process,

还会从过程中 移除受害者的声音。

because again,

又是因为

a state theoretically represents the interests of all citizens collectively

国家理论上代表全体公民的利益，

and not any one citizen individually.

而非每一个个体公民的利益。

Despite this constitutional flaw,

尽管存在这一宪法缺陷，

some victims of gender violence have found protections

有部分性别暴力的受害者 在联邦民权法规中

under federal Civil Rights statutes,

找到过保护措施，

such as Title IX.

比如美国教育法 第九修正案（Title IX）。

Title IX is not just about sports.

第九修正案不仅是关于体育运动的，

Rather, it prohibits all forms of sex discrimination,

它更是禁止了一切形式的性别歧视，

including sexual violence and harassment

包括在接受联邦资助的 教育项目中的

within educational programs that accept federal funding.

性暴力和性骚扰。

While initially targeting sex discrimination within admissions,

最初这个法律的目标 是针对招生性别歧视，

Title IX has actually evolved over time

但第九修正案慢慢演变成

to require educational institutions to intervene and address gender violence

要求教育机构对特定群体的 性别暴力问题

when committed by certain parties,

进行干预并解决，

such as when teachers, students or campus visitors commit sexual assault

比如老师，学生或 校园访客实施的性侵犯

or harassment.

或性骚扰。

So what this means is that through Title IX,

所以这意味着通过第九修正案，

those who seek access to education are protected against gender violence

那些正接受教育的人受到了 不受性别暴力侵害的保护，

in a way that otherwise does not exist under the law.

以一种除此之外 则不受法律管辖的方式。

It is Title IX that requires educational institutions

第九修正案要求教育机构认真对待

to take reports of gender violence seriously,

性别暴力报告，

or to suffer liability.

或者承担责任。

And through campus-level proceedings,

通过校园层级的诉讼，

Title IX goes so far as to give victims equitable rights

第九修正案目前赋予了在校受害者

during the campus process,

公平的权利，

which means that victims can represent their own interests during proceedings,

这意味着受害者可以在诉讼过程中 代表他们自己的利益，

rather than relying on educational institutions to do so.

而不需要依赖教育机构。

And that's really important,

这真的非常重要。

because educational institutions have historically swept gender violence

因为教育机构过去 掩盖性别暴力的历史

under the rug,

劣迹斑斑，

much like our criminal justice system does today.

跟我们今天的刑事司法系统一样。

So while Civil Rights protects some victims,

所以虽然公民权利 保护了一些受害者，

we should want to protect all victims.

我们还应该去保护所有的受害者。

Rather than going institution by institution,

不要再通过一个又一个组织，

在校园、在军队、 在工作场所争取改革。

fighting for reform on campus, in the military, in the workplace,

it's time to go to the Constitution

是时候诉诸于宪法，

and pass the Equal Rights Amendment.

通过平等权利修正案了。

Originally proposed in 1923,

最初于1923年提出的

the Equal Rights Amendment would guarantee gender equality under the law,

平等权利修正案， 将保证法律规定的性别平等。

and much like Title IX on campus,

跟校园里的第九修正案类似，

that constitutional amendment could require states to intervene

宪法修正案可要求各州进行干预，

and address gender violence

解决性别暴力问题，

as a prohibitive form of sex discrimination.

将其作为一种 禁止性别歧视的方式。

While the Equal Rights Amendment did not pass in the 1970s,

在20世纪70年代， 平等权利修正案没有通过时，

it actually came within three states of doing so.

它实际在三个州内是有实行的。

And within the last year,

在过去的一年里，

at least one of those states has ratified the amendment,

至少其中一个州 已经批准了该修正案，

because we live in different political times.

因为我们生活在不同的政治时代。

From the Women's March to the Me Too movement,

从妇女游行到“我也是”运动，

we have the growing political will of the people

我们有越来越多的政治意愿

necessary to create lasting, legal change.

去创造持久的法律变革。

So as a victims' rights attorney

所以作为一名受害者权益律师，

fighting to increase the prospect of justice

为全国各地的幸存者

for survivors across the country

争取正义的前景，

and as a survivor myself,

同时也作为一个幸存者，

I'm not here to say, "Time's Up."

我在这里不是要说：“时间到了”。

I'm here to say, "It's time."

我想说的是：“是时候了”。

It's time for accountability to become the norm after gender violence.

性别暴力之后，现在是 把追究责任正常化的时候了。

It's time to pass the Equal Rights Amendment,

是时候通过平等权利修正案了。

so that our legal system can become a system of justice,

这样我们的法律体系就可以 成为一个公正的体系，

and #MeToo can finally become "no more."

而“我也是”最后就会变成“不再有”。

Thank you.

谢谢。

(Applause)

（鼓掌）