How protest is redefining democracy around the world | Zachariah Mampilly

譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: Coco Shen

Like many of you, I'm often frustrated by the democratic process.

我和許多人一樣， 對民主過程感到很挫折。

It's messy, it's complicated,

它很混亂，它很複雜，

it's often inefficient.

它通常很沒效率。

Our political leaders feel disconnected

我們的政治領袖似乎和一般人

from the concerns of ordinary people.

所關心的事物沒有連結。

Many feel that voting every few years

許多人覺得，每幾年投一次票，

for leaders disconnected from their daily challenges

選出與其日常生活困難 沒有連結的領袖，

is pointless.

是無意義的。

But before we reject democracy,

但在我們抵制民主之前，

let's imagine what it could be.

咱們來試想，它能是怎樣的。

And I believe that African activists are redefining democracy

我相信非洲的激進分子 正在重新定義民主，

by putting protest at its center,

他們把抗議放在民主的中心位置，

what I refer to as "protest democracy."

我稱之為「抗議民主」。

International organizations and academic experts

國際組織以及學術專家

define democracy as regular, multiparty electoral competition.

把民主定義為定期的多黨選舉競爭。

But democracy should not only be about elites competing at the ballot box.

但民主的重點不該 只是菁英在競爭選票。

For it to have meaning,

若要讓它有意義，

it's something we must engage in every day.

我們每天都要與其有所連結。

When I say "protest democracy,"

當我說「抗議民主」，

I'm challenging how we think about democratic action.

我是在挑戰我們對於 民主行動的想法。

Viewing democracy as only elections is no longer adequate

只將民主視為選舉，已經不再適當，

and threatens democracy itself.

且會對民主本身造成威脅。

So we must protest democracy to give it a renewed meaning.

所以我們必須要抗議民主， 來將之重新定義。

What would this look like?

這看起來會是什麼樣子？

We need to turn to African societies,

我們得要轉向非洲社會，

where ordinary people are increasingly taking to the streets

在那裡，一般人越來越常走上街頭，

to transform their lives.

去轉變他們的人生。

African social movements have often been at the forefront

非洲社會運動通常都 處在以這種方式

of conceptualizing democracy in this way.

將民主給概念化的最前線。

This may come as a surprise to those of who think

有些人可能會感到驚訝，

that the only way Africans engage in politics

那些人認為非洲人只有透過槍管

is through the barrel of the gun.

才能參與政治。

But increasingly, young people are taking to the streets

但有越來越多年輕人走上街頭，

and abandoning organized violence

放棄組織暴力，

in favor of more effective nonviolent action.

支持更有效益的非暴力行動。

I've spent much of the past two decades talking to African activists,

過去二十年，我大部分的時間 都在和非洲激進分子交談，

both violent and nonviolent.

包括暴力派和非暴力派。

Across Africa, young people are rising up

在整個非洲，年輕人開始站起來，

to challenge almost every type of regime known to humanity.

挑戰幾乎人類所知道的每一種政體。

This is my friend Thiat.

這是我的朋友西亞特。

He's a rapper from Senegal.

他是塞內加爾的饒舌歌手。

He led a large movement in Senegal

他在塞內加爾領導了

that was successful in preventing the president from stealing a third term.

一個大型運動，成功預防 總統偷取第三次任期。

From Morocco to Lesotho,

從摩洛哥到賴索托，

young people are rising up against entrenched monarchies:

年輕人起義，對抗 根深蒂固的君主政體：

in Egypt and Sudan,

在埃及和蘇丹，

against brutal dictatorships;

對抗殘酷的獨裁政府；

in Uganda and Ethiopia,

在烏干達和衣索比亞，

against powerful militarized states

對抗披著民主外表的

with quasi-democratic veneers;

強大軍國主義國家；

in South Africa, where this image was taken,

在南非，也就是 拍攝這張照片的地方，

and Burundi,

以及蒲隆地，

against democratically elected leaders

對抗由民主選出來的領袖，

who have done little to improve the conditions for ordinary people.

因為他們幾乎沒有去 改善平民的生活條件。

Across the continent, protest is not exceptional,

在世界各地，抗議並非不尋常，

but a normal part of life.

它成了正常生活的一部分。

Africans use protests to challenge both dictators

非洲人用抗議來挑戰獨裁者

as well as power cuts.

以及斷電的狀況。

In a way, Africans are protesting democracy itself,

在某種意義上，非洲人 是在抗議民主本身，

enriching its possibilities for us all.

為我們所有人增加民主的可能性。

There have been two major waves of African protest,

已經有過兩波非洲抗議的大風波，

and we are currently living through the third,

我們現在正在經歷第三波，

which began around 2005.

這一波約始於 2005 年。

It includes the so-called Arab Spring,

它包括了所謂的阿拉伯之春，

which took place mostly on the continent.

其主要發生地點是在非洲大陸。

The first wave took place in the 1940s and 1950s

第一波發生在四○及五○年代，

and led to Africa's decolonization.

導致了非洲的非殖民地化。

Kwame Nkrumah led a broad coalition in Ghana

夸梅恩克魯瑪在迦納 領導了一個廣大的聯盟，

that overthrew British rule,

推翻了英國的統治，

providing a template for nonviolent movements globally.

為全世界提供了一個 非暴力運動的範本。

The second wave took place in the 1980s and 1990s

第二波發生在八○和九○年代，

against austerity measures that imposed harsh conditions

對抗財政緊縮措施， 因其帶給非洲經濟

on African economies.

惡劣的條件。

These protests led to the overthrow of autocratic regimes

這些抗議導致獨裁政體被推翻，

and led to the introduction

也導致在非洲各地

of multiparty elections across the continent.

開始推行多黨選舉。

The ongoing third wave is correcting the shortcomings of the earlier two.

正在發生的第三波，目的 是在修正前兩波的缺點。

If the first wave brought liberation but not democracy,

若第一波帶來了自由，但沒有民主，

and the second, elections but only for the elites,

而第二波帶來了選舉，但僅限菁英，

then it is the third wave

那麼，第三波

that is most concerned with transforming democracy

主要目的就是要把民主給轉換

into the rule of the people.

成為人民的統治。

It includes movements like Y'en a Marre in Senegal,

這一波的運動包括塞內加爾的 Y'en a Marre（團體名）、

Le Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso,

布基那法索的 Le Balai Citoyen、

Tajamuka in Zimbabwe,

辛巴威的 Tajamuka、

LUCHA and Filimbi in the Democratic Republic of Congo,

剛果民主共和國的 LUCHA 和 Filimbi，

movements that work outside of more conventional nongovernmental organizations

這些運動的運作，都已經 超出了常見的非政府組織

and political parties

以及政黨，

to challenge the economic and political system itself,

去挑戰經濟和政治體制本身，

often at great risk.

通常風險都很大。

Brilliant young activists like LUCHA's Fred Bauma

傑出的年輕激進分子， 像 LUCHA 的佛雷德巴烏瑪，

have been detained and tortured,

遭到拘留和刑求，

often with little to no outcry from the international community.

卻幾乎沒有來自國際社會的抗議聲。

The list goes on, as you can see from some of the data we collected.

清單還很長，從我們所收集的 一些資料中可以看出。

There have been large popular protests

自從 2005 年起，在至少四十個

in over 40 African countries since 2005,

非洲國家都有大型的群眾抗議，

and if you look, you'll recognize that in 2011,

從圖中可以看出，在 2011 年，

the year of the so-called Arab Spring,

所謂阿拉伯之春的那一年，

was actually the spike of this broader wave.

正是這更廣的一波抗議的高峰。

Contrary to popular belief,

和大家所相信的相反，

many of these protests have been successful.

這些抗議當中有許多是成功的。

We know of the dictators falling in Tunisia and in Egypt,

我們知道在突尼西亞 和埃及有獨裁者垮台，

but popular movements have prevented presidents from stealing third terms

但群眾運動已經預防了 總統偷取第三次任期，

in Senegal, in Malawi and Burkina Faso as well.

在塞內加爾、馬拉威、 布基那法索都可以看見。

What's driving this upsurge of protest?

這波抗議高潮背後的動因是什麼？

Demographically, Africa is both the youngest

人口統計上來說，非洲是最年輕

and the fastest-growing continent,

且成長最快速的大陸，

with the largest age gap between the people and their rulers.

人民和統治者之間的年齡差異最大。

It is urbanizing at a tremendous pace.

其都市化的速度快得驚人。

Economically, African countries have been growing for over a decade now,

經濟上，非洲國家 現在已經成長了十年，

largely driven by investments from Asia.

主要是由亞洲的投資所驅動的。

But little of this wealth is trickling down.

但這財富很少滴下 （註：經濟上的滴入論）。

Formal jobs in the industrial sector are actually decreasing,

在工業部門的正式工作 其實正在減少，

with informal labor the only option left for people to eke out a living.

人民若要勉強維生，只剩下 一個選擇：非正式的工作。

As a result, inequality is skyrocketing,

因此，不平等突然快速高漲，

and political leaders are increasingly disconnected

政治領袖與年輕人口

from their much younger populations.

越來越沒有連結。

For those of us from outside of Africa,

至於我們這些來自非洲之外的人，

we're familiar with parts of this story:

我們熟知這個故事的一些部分：

a massive spike in inequality,

不平等的高峰、

the product of a decline in good jobs for good wages

它是好薪水好工作－過去曾被認為是

that were once considered the hallmark of an advanced society;

先進社會的標誌－ 減少，所造成的結果；

the capture of our political parties by elites

我們的政黨被菁英給佔領，

accompanied by the hollowing out of civil society

伴隨著曾能賦予人民聲音的

that once provided a voice to ordinary people;

公民社會也被挖空；

that sinking feeling that no matter what you do,

還有種要出事的感覺， 好像不論你做什麼，

external factors related to the global economy

和全球經濟相關的外在因子

can disrupt our lives for the worse.

都能打亂我們的生活，讓它變更糟。

Our political leaders seem helpless,

我們的政治領袖似乎很無助，

insisting on austerity,

堅持採取緊縮，

even as public goods diminish to levels unseen in decades.

即使公眾得益縮減到了 數十年來沒見過的低點。

And this is when they're not succumbing to exclusionary nationalism,

且這是在當他們沒有 屈服於排斥性民族主義，

blaming our woes on the weak rather than the powerful.

將我們的不幸怪罪於 弱勢者而非有權者時。

What those of us from North America and Western Europe consider to be new

被我們來自北美和西歐的人 認為是新的狀況，

has been the normal condition of African life since the 1970s.

其實打從七○年代起在 非洲生活中就是很正常的。

So who better to learn from

所以，最好的學習對象

than those who have been engaged in resistance to these conditions

不就是曾參與過抵抗那些狀況且持續

for the longest period of time?

抵抗最久的那些人？

What can we learn from African protest democracy?

我們從非洲的 抗議民主中能學到什麼？

First, democracy must begin with ordinary people.

首先，民主必須要始於一般人民。

Viewing democracy as only elections has led to widespread disillusionment.

只把民主視為是選舉， 已經造成了廣泛的幻想破滅。

We must instead work to center ordinary people in democratic life.

我們反而必須努力把人民 放在民主生活的中心。

Protest provides us one way to do that.

要做到這點，抗議是一種方式。

Regardless of your age, sexuality, your gender,

不論你的年齡、性向、性別，

whether you're a citizen or a non-citizen, able-bodied or disabled,

不論你是公民或非公民、 殘障或非殘障，

anyone can participate.

人人都可以參與。

In contrast to elections,

抗議和選舉大不相同，

protests are not confined by rigid electoral cycles.

抗議並沒有受到死板的 選舉週期給限制。

They offer a much more immediate form of action

抗議提供的是一種立即形式的行動，

in our era of instant feedback.

在我們這個即時回饋的時代。

Second, while protests may be messy,

第二，雖然抗議可能會很混亂，

this is what makes them powerful.

這也是抗議強大的原因。

Protests are contentious and contested processes,

抗議是引起爭論和辯駁的過程，

defined by contingent actions,

由無法預料的行動所定義，

often devoid of clear messaging,

通常沒有很清楚的訊息，

characterized by incomplete organization.

特徵是不完整的組織。

These dynamics are what makes it easy to dismiss protests as riots

這些動力讓抗議很容易 被視為暴動而不加理會，

or to assume they are of limited political utility.

或是假設它們的政治效用有限。

But it also makes them easier to suppress.

但這也讓抗議變得很容易鎮壓。

Too often, governments do not view protests as elementary to democracy.

太常見的狀況是，政府不把 抗議視為是民主的基礎。

Instead, they violently crush social movements

反之，政府用暴力來摧毀社會運動，

or work to discredit their message.

或是努力去抵毀它們的訊息。

Third, as I already hinted,

第三，我已經暗示過，

protest is the space from which new political imaginations may emerge.

抗議是一個空間，讓新的 政治想像可以浮現的空間。

Protests are about coloring outside the lines,

抗議的重點是要打破規則，

a way for ordinary people to rewrite the rules of the game

抗議是種方式，能讓一般人 重寫被太多人認為

that too many feel are stacked against them.

有弊端且對其不利的遊戲規則。

Many young people in Africa have grown up in societies

在非洲，許多年輕人所成長的社會，

where a single ruler has ruled their entire lives.

在他們一生中都沒換過統治者。

Protest is the space for new possibilities to emerge,

抗議，是讓新的可能性 得以浮現的空間，

as young people begin to discover their own power.

因為年輕人會開始 發現他們自己的力量。

Consider the situation of my friend Linda Masarira,

想想我朋友琳達瑪莎里拉的情況，

a single mother of five,

單親媽媽，有五個孩子，

who is leading protests against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe.

她在辛巴威領導對抗 穆加比政權的抗議活動。

She has been beaten, arrested, harassed.

她曾被毆打、逮捕、騷擾。

But Linda perseveres, because as she told me a few months ago,

但琳達堅持不懈，因為， 如她幾個月前告訴過我的，

protest has given her a sense of meaning and direction.

抗議讓她有了意義感與方向感。

And though she knows the odds against her,

雖然她知道自己勝算不高，

Linda perseveres.

她仍然堅持不懈。

Like Linda and other young African activists,

就像琳達及其他年輕的 非洲激進分子一樣，

we all must work to redefine democracy

我們都得要努力重新定義民主，

as something more than just elections and political parties.

定義為不僅是選舉和政治黨派。

Democracy is a creative process,

民主是個創意的過程，

and protest has always been the vehicle

抗議一直是其工具媒介，

for expanding our political imaginations beyond what we are told is possible.

擴展我們的政治想像，不要 讓別人來告訴我們什麼是可能的。

(In Swahili) Thank you very much.

（斯華西里語）非常謝謝。

(Applause)

（掌聲）