How to Build Democracy — in an Authoritarian Country | Tessza Udvarhelyi | TED

譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: C Leung

What does living in an authoritarian country

生活在一個專制國家

and a frog have in common?

和青蛙有什麼共同點？

I'm sure you've heard about the metaphor of the boiling frog

我想大家都聽過溫水煮蛙的比喻，

that gets slowly cooked until it dies without even noticing.

把水慢慢加熱就可把活青蛙 煮熟，牠根本不會注意到。

Well, this is what Hungary has felt like for the past 13 years.

這就是匈牙利過去十三年的感受。

After 40 years of state socialism,

經過四十年的國有社會主義後，

we started out with a lukewarm democracy in the 1990s.

在 90 年代，我們 從一個微溫的民主開始。

它不是民主天堂，

It was not a democratic paradise,

but it was a more or less functioning democracy.

但或多或少它是可以運作的民主。

In 2010, a right-wing government came to power,

2010 年，

右翼政府掌權，之後又當選了三次。

and they have been elected three more times since then.

This government has taken the most dangerous aspects of our culture

這個政府把我們文化中最危險的面向，

and made them the main pillars of their politics:

當作他們政治的主要支柱：

nationalism, racism, homophobia,

民族主義、種族主義、 對同性戀的恐懼、

a disdain for poor people

對窮人的鄙棄，

and the general fear and suspicion of "others."

以及對「他人」的普遍恐懼及疑心。

Today, Hungary is in the gray zone between a dictatorship and a democracy.

現今，匈牙利處於獨裁政體 和民主政體之間的灰色地帶。

This did not happen overnight.

這不是一夕間發生的。

The heat was turned up under us slowly, but with a very firm hand.

我們被「煮」的熱度在緩緩地提高， 但由強硬的手腕所操控。

I can't count how many times I have heard people say,

我已經數不清有多少次聽到別人說：

"They will not go that far.

「他們不會那麼過份。

This will never happen."

這永遠不會發生。」

We said this before they made homelessness a crime in the Constitution.

我們說過這些話， 他們卻修憲將無家可歸列為犯罪。

We said this before they passed

我們說過這些話， 他們卻通過歐洲最反工人的勞動法之一，

one of the most anti-worker labor laws of Europe, nicknamed the "slave law,"

暱稱「奴隸法」，

which allows an extreme exploitation of workers.

允許極端的剝削工人。

We said this before they turned our LGBTQ friends and family into internal enemies,

我們說過這些話， 他們卻將我們的 LGBTQ 朋友和家人

變成內部敵人，

reduced same-sex couples to second-class citizens,

把同性伴侶貶為二等公民，

and banned sexual education from schools

並禁止學校進行性教育，

in the name of protecting children from pedophilia.

用的名義是保護兒童遠離戀童狂。

And we also said this before they fired,

我們說過這些話，他們卻開除、

censored and intimidated teachers

審查和威嚇

說出薪資和工作條件真相的老師，

for telling the truth about their wages and working conditions

and teargassed high-school students

還向為了教育品質抗議的高中生丟催淚彈。

for protesting for quality education.

But in the end, all of these things and many more have all happened.

但最終，所有這些事情 以及更多的都發生了。

Hungary is not the worst country in the world.

匈牙利不是世界上最糟糕的國家，

它是歐盟成員、

It's a member of the European Union.

被認為是高收入的經濟體、

It's considered a high-income economy.

It has regular elections,

會定期舉辦選舉、

and it still has some independent media.

而且它還有一些獨立媒體。

But it's definitely authoritarian

但它肯定是專制的，

when it comes to how the government relates to the people

當談到政府如何和人民相處時，

and how most people relate to the government.

以及大部分人民和政府的關係時都是。

A lot of people give up and leave our country

很多人放棄並離開了我們的國家，

not only for economic, but also for political reasons.

不僅出於經濟理由， 也出於政治理由。

I also often get the question, "Why are you still here?"

我也常被問到： 「你為什麼還在這裡？」

But my answer is very easy.

但我的答案很簡單：

This is my home.

這是我的家。

This is where I belong.

這是我的歸屬。

This is where I was fighting for social justice and democracy

在這個政權上台之前，我一直

在這裡為社會公義及民主奮戰，

before this regime came to power,

and this is where I will continue to work

即使社會公義和民主都已經不在了，

for the very same things after they are long gone.

我也會持續在此為它們努力。

If you ask government propaganda about me,

如果你向政府的宣傳打聽我，

I'm a public enemy and the foreign agent who is trying to destroy Hungary.

我便是個公敵， 試圖摧毀匈牙利的外國特工。

This is why they have been harassing,

這就是為何過去十年他們 一直在騷擾、抹黑、針對我。

smearing and targeting me over the past 10 years.

If you ask me about the government,

如果你向我打聽政府，

they are a bump in the road.

他們是路上的一個障礙。

A Himalaya-size bump,

喜馬拉雅山大小般的障礙， 但我們肯定會克服。

but one that we will definitely overcome.

And I want to stop for a moment here.

我想在此暫停一下，

I'm not talking about my country to make you feel sorry for us.

我談論我的國家並非要各位可憐我們。

Instead, I would like you to think about the place where you live.

反之，我希望各位想想 你們生活的地方。

Do you have a say in how things are happening there?

你們對那裡發生的事有發言權嗎？

Do you feel you have power?

你覺得你有權力嗎？

And I'm not asking you if you can vote or if you have a constitution,

我在問的並不是你們是否有投票權

或是否有憲法， 因為我們兩者都有，

because we have both and we still don't have democracy.

而我們仍然沒有民主。

What I'm asking you is whether it's ever possible

我問各位的是，有沒有 可能從底層實現變革。

to achieve change from below.

Democracy is not a noun, but a verb.

民主不是名詞，而是動詞。

It only exists if we do it.

我們實踐，它才會存在。

This is the slogan of the School of Public Life,

這是公共生活學校的標語， 一家我共同創辦的行動主義者學校。

an activist school that I co-founded.

In this school, we believe that democracy is not about consent, but about dissent.

在這裡，我們相信民主 不在於同意，而是不同意。

It's not about being a big, happy family

重點並不是要成為歡樂的大家庭， 每個人都愛彼此、認同彼此。

where everyone loves and agrees with each other.

If there is conflict, struggle and change,

如果有衝突、掙扎和改變， 就有容得下民主存在的空間。

there is a space for democracy to exist.

It's always in the making, and we are the ones making it.

它一直在創造中， 而我們就是在創造它的人。

When I go abroad and tell people that I'm from Hungary,

當我到國外並告訴別人 我來自匈牙利，

I get some sad looks.

有些人會面露愁容。

And the question,

有人會問：

"Oh what's the name of your dictator again?"

「我忘了你們的獨裁者 叫什麼名字？」

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

And yes, our Prime Minister has become a symbol of anti-democratic leadership.

是的，

我們的總理已經成為 反民主領導的象徵。

But there is also another Hungary.

但也有另一個匈牙利。

This Hungary is hardly visible to the outside world.

外界幾乎看不見這個匈牙利。

And you may never read about us in The New York Times,

《紐約時報》上可能 永遠不會有我們的消息，

but it's there

但它存在，

and it's made up of many, many people and organizations

它是由許多人和組織組成，

working for social justice, environmental justice,

致力於社會公義、

環境公義、勞工權益、

workers' rights and quality public services,

高品質的公共服務，

among many other things.

及許多其他的事。

In fact, many Hungarians are not aware of this other side of Hungary.

事實上，許多匈牙利人 並不知道匈牙利有這另一面。

And this, I believe, is a real obstacle to change.

我認為這才是真正阻擋變革的障礙。

What you see around us as your reality determines what you believe is possible.

你相信什麼是有可能的，取決於 你在我們周圍看到的現實是什麼。

If you only see fear and passivity,

如果你只看到恐懼和消極，

you will not be able to imagine anything beyond that.

你將無法想像除那些之外的任何事。

But if you experience alternatives to social and political oppression,

但如果你有經歷過社會和政治 壓迫外的其他可能的情形，

you will be able to not only imagine,

你不僅可以想像，還可以創造 不同的未來去造福我們所有人。

but create a different future for all of us.

Let me give you an example of this other Hungary

讓我舉個我特別關心的例子 來說明這另一個匈牙利。

that's especially close to my heart.

"The City Is for All" is a pioneer of the Hungarian housing movement,

「城市屬大家的」是匈牙利 住房運動的先鋒，

where homeless people and their housed allies

無家可歸者和他們已安置的 盟友協力爭取住房公義。

work together for housing justice.

What makes this group really special

這個團體的特別之處

is that it takes the message

是它非常認真看待這個訊息：

"don't talk about us, talk with us" extremely seriously.

「別談論我們，來跟我們談談。」

In this group, many homeless people gained back their self-confidence,

在這個團體中，許多 無家可歸的人找回了自信、

sense of belonging and political identity,

歸屬感，以及政治認同，

全都是對我們所有人 行使公民權利的重要成分。

all of which are essential for all of us to exercise our rights as citizens.

In this group, people like my friends Gyula, Jutka,

在這個團體裡，我朋友裘拉、

尤特卡、

Jani and Erika have all become movement leaders,

雅尼和艾莉卡等人 都成了運動領導者，

even as they were living in self-made shacks, homeless shelters,

即使他們住在自製的棚屋、遊民收容所、

rented rooms or even on the street.

出租房甚至是街頭。

And most importantly to me,

對我而言最重要的是， 我自己的政治旅程也始於這個團體。

this is also the community where my own political journey started.

In 2011, activists of The City Is for All occupied the mayor's office

2011 年， 「城市屬大家的」的活躍分子

佔領了布達佩斯 第八區的市長辦公室。

of the 8th district of Budapest.

With this city,

這次靜坐示威

we tried to stop the violent criminalization of homelessness

是想要阻止政府的反遊民首席策略師，

by the chief anti-homeless strategist of the government,

以粗暴方式將遊民視為罪犯，

who also happened to be the mayor of the district at the time.

這位策略師當時剛好 也是這區的市長。

I was one of the organizers of this protest, and in the end,

我是這場抗議活動的組織者之一， 最後，我們都被警方拖出大樓。

we were all dragged out of the building by the police.

With a very unexpected turn of events,

經過非常意外的轉折，

today, I work in the very same building

現今，我就在我們十多年前 佔領的大樓裡工作。

that we had occupied more than ten years ago.

I walk the same corridors,

我走過同樣的走廊，

and I have meetings in the mayor's office.

在市長的辦公室裡開會。

But how is this possible, how did this happen?

但這怎麼可能？是怎麼發生的？

In 2019, a progressive candidate

2019 年，

一位來自當地草根組織的 進步派候選人，

from a local grassroots organization challenged the anti-poor mayor

在地方選舉中挑戰反窮人的市長。

in the local elections.

And to everybody's biggest surprise, including our own,

出乎所有人的意料， 連我們也沒料到，

he won.

他赢了。

I was on the mayor's team,

我當時在市長的團隊裡，

and today I work with him as the head of the Office of Community Participation.

如今，我以社區參與者辦公室 負責人的身分和他一起工作。

(Applause)

（掌聲）

The mission of this office is to create a new relationship

這個辦公室的使命

是在市政當局和當地居民 之間創造新關係。

between the municipality and local residents.

A relationship based on mutual trust,

一種基於互信、

power sharing and respect.

權力共享，以及尊重的關係。

This is the complete opposite of what the central government is doing.

這和中央政府的做法完全相反。

Let me give you an example of this new relationship.

讓我舉個例子來說明這種新關係。

In our district, there is a small community garden.

在我們這一區， 有個小型的社區花園，

A year ago, it was surrounded by a fence

一年前，它被圍欄圍住， 而且有計畫要在那裡建造豪華公寓。

and there were plans to build a luxury condo there.

因為圍欄，大家都以為那是私人資產。

Everybody thought that it was private property

because of the fence.

But then came a group of active citizens

但接著來了一群積極的市民， 他們發現圍欄是非法搭建的。

who discovered that the fence had been built illegally.

They started to lobby the municipality to pull the fence down

他們開始遊說市政當局拆除圍欄， 把這塊地還給公眾。

and give the land back to the public.

They were adamant and, from a bureaucratic point of view,

他們很堅決，而且從官僚視角 來看，真的很煩人。

really annoying.

但最終，他們達成目的。

But in the end, they reached their goal.

The fence was pulled down,

圍欄被拆除了，

they created a garden

他們建造了一個花園，

which is now sustained by local neighborhood residents.

現在由當地鄰里居民來維護。

這普通不過的日常例子， 正是我的重點。

This is a very small everyday example, and this is exactly my point.

Democracy emerges out of the everyday struggle that we call politics.

在我們稱為政治的日常掙扎中， 民主會浮現出來。

It's created both from above and from below.

它是從上而下， 也是從下而上雙向而成的。

Those in power have to be open, responsive and responsible.

掌權者必須要保持開放、

會因應，以及負責任。

People, on the other hand, have to be smart, organized

另一方面，人民則必須要精明、

有組織，且專注在 滿足大眾的需求上。

and focused on getting what they need.

This is exactly what the story of the garden is all about.

這就是花園故事的重點。

Let me give you another example.

讓我再舉另一個例子。

In Hungary, the central government

在匈牙利，中央政府

is all about concentrating power and resources for its own interests.

都在集中權力和資源 以謀求自身利益。

People have absolutely no say in how they spend public money.

對於他們如何花費公帑， 人民是沒有發言權的。

But things are radically different in both Budapest

但在布達佩斯和我們 小小的第八區則截然不同，

and our own small 8th district,

which are both led by the Democratic opposition.

這兩個地方都是由民主反對派領導。

A few years ago, participatory budgeting was introduced

幾年前，該市和地區 都導入了參與式預算編列。

in both the city and the district.

參與式預算編列意味著

Participatory budgeting means

that local residents get to directly decide

當地居民可以直接決定

how to spend a certain amount of the municipal budget.

要如何使用某一部分的市政預算。

In reality, this means that politicians give up some of their power

在現實中的意涵則是

政治人物放棄了他們部分權力，

because they believe that local residents know best

因為他們相信當地居民 最清楚知道大眾需要什麼。

what they need.

And they really do.

居民也確實知道。

Local people often vote on things

當地人通常對民選代表 不願做的事來投票選擇。

that elected representatives are otherwise reluctant to do.

People in Budapest have used this power to build new bus stops, crosswalks,

布達佩斯居民運用這權力

建立了新公車站、 行人穿越道、公共廁所，

public toilets and even launch new social and cultural programs.

甚至推出了新的社會及文化計畫。

I know, you may be thinking now.

我知道，現在各位可能在想：

"I have never had the say in how my city spends my tax money.

「我對我的城市如何運用 自己的稅款都沒有話語權，

So why are you complaining about Hungary?"

所以你幹嘛抱怨匈牙利？」

But remember, I'm showing you a small island of freedom

但請記住，我跟各位說明的 只是一個小小的自由之島，

in the middle of a country with less and less political oxygen to breathe.

它位於一個越來越沒有 政治氧氣可以呼吸的國家中。

By opening up the municipal budget in Budapest,

透過開放布達佩斯的市政預算，

we are modeling, learning and teaching a new kind of politics

我們在塑造、學習， 和教導一種新的政治，

that builds an alternative to authoritarianism.

以替代專制主義。

Let me go back to the boiling frog.

我們再回來談溫水煮蛙。

Have you ever felt like this frog?

各位可曾覺得自己像這隻青蛙？

為什麼這隻青蛙什麼也沒做？

And why is the frog not doing anything?

And where are the other frogs, and why are they not doing anything?

其他的青蛙又在哪裡？ 為何牠們什麼也沒做？

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

You can't just be sitting around

你不能袖手旁觀然後 坐等民主會奇蹟般自己運作起來。

and wait for democracy to work miraculously on its own.

It will not.

並不會的。

And you can never wait for somebody else to make democracy work for you.

你也永不能等別人，為你把民主搞定。

They will not.

等不到的。

Only you can make democracy work

只有你能讓民主運作起來，

by standing up,

做法是站出來，

organizing and pushing the boundaries of what's possible politically.

組織動員，並推動政治可能性的界線。

Just like we Hungarians have to fight for our own freedom

就如同我們匈牙利人必須要 為自己的自由而奮戰，

and rebuild our own democracy,

並重建自己的民主，

you all have to do the same,

各位也都需要做同樣的事， 不論你們在世界哪部分，

no matter where in the world you are sitting,

是在溫水中還是在滾水中。

in lukewarm or even boiling water.

Enjoy your democracy when you have it,

擁有民主時，好好享受它，

but don't ever get too comfortable with it.

但永遠不要太安於現狀。

Remember the frog

記住那隻青蛙，

and never take the temperature of the water for granted.

且永遠不要把水溫視為理所當然。

Thank you.

謝謝。

(Applause)

（掌聲）

Chloe Shasha Brooks: Tessza,

主持人：泰莎，謝謝你 帶來如此強大又出色的演說。

thank you for that beautiful, powerful talk.

I have one follow-up question for you.

我有一個後續的問題想問你。

There is a sentiment in your talk that I really love

你的演說中有一種觀點我非常喜歡， 今天在座各位也感受到。

that's shared by others here today.

This idea, actually, I'll quote you.

那就是，讓我引述你的話，你說：

You said, "If you asked me about the government,

「如果你向我打聽政府，

they are a bump in the road, a Himalaya-size bump,

他們是路上的一個障礙， 喜馬拉雅山大小的障礙，

但我們肯定會克服。」

but one we will definitely overcome."

I'm wondering how you keep that sentiment alive and how that affects your activism.

我很好奇你如何保持那種觀點， 以及它對你的行動主義有何影響？

TU: So I think one of the most dangerous forms of oppression

講者： 我認為其中一種最危險的壓迫形式，

is when they oppress your imagination,

就是對想像力的壓迫，

when you are not able to imagine anything beyond what's actually happening to you.

除了你身邊發生的狀況外， 你無法想像任何事。

And one of my missions, I think, in life, is

我認為，我人生其中一個使命是，

well, I have a really strong personal and political imagination.

嗯，我在個人和政治 方面的想像力都很強。

So one of the missions in my life is to try to teach other people

因此我的人生使命是去試著

教導其他人如何取得這種想像的能力，

to acquire this ability to imagine,

to imagine that things can be different.

想像一切能夠有所不同。

And for example, we do this by trying to show Hungarians

舉個例，我們的做法 是讓匈牙利人知道

that they have a really rich history of social movements.

他們有很豐富的社會運動史，

That change was actually brought about in Hungary through social movements.

在匈牙利，改變是社會運動促成的。

And we are also helping people through our political work and education work.

我們也透過政治和教育工作來助人，

We are trying to show them a different version of what's possible,

我們試著讓他們看到 不同版本的可能性，

and helping them to inhabit the space that exists between what is now

並協助他們棲息於這個

「現況」和「未來可能」之間的空間，

and what could be,

and trying to teach them the way to get there.

並試著教他們如何達到。

CSB: That's really amazing, thank you so much for your talk.

主持人：真的很棒， 非常謝謝你帶來的演說。

TU: Thank you.

講者：謝謝。

（掌聲）

(Applause)