Severine Autesserre: To solve mass violence, look to locals

翻译人员: Chelsea Luo 校对人员: Li Li

I want to speak about a forgotten conflict.

我想讲述一场被遗忘的战争。

It's a conflict that rarely hits the headlines.

一个几乎从不占据头条的斗争。

It happens right here, in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

它在这里发生， 在刚果共和国。

Now, most people outside of Africa don't know much about the war in Congo,

现在，大部分不生活在非洲的人 并不知晓刚果的战争，

so let me give you a couple of key facts.

所以让我来告诉你几个重要的事实。

The Congolese conflict is the deadliest conflict since World War II.

刚果战争是第二次世界大战以来最致命的战斗。

It has caused almost four million deaths.

它已经导致了将近四百万死亡。

It has destabilized most of Central Africa for the past 18 years.

它已经让过去18年的中非颠沛流离。

It is the largest ongoing humanitarian crisis in the world.

它是世界上正在进行的最大人道危机。

That's why I first went to Congo in 2001.

这就是为什么我在2001去了刚果。

I was a young humanitarian aid worker, and I met this woman who was my age.

当时还是个人道主义救援人员的我， 遇到了一个年龄相仿的女孩。

She was called Isabelle.

她叫伊莎贝拉。

Local militias had attacked Isabelle's village.

当地的义勇军袭击了伊莎贝拉的村庄。

They had killed many men, raped many women.

他们杀了许多男人，强暴了许多女人。

They had looted everything.

他们洗劫了一切。

And then they wanted to take Isabelle,

后来他们想带走伊莎贝拉，

but her husband stepped in,

但是她丈夫站了出来，

and he said, "No, please don't take Isabelle.

他说，“不，求你们不要带走她，

Take me instead."

让我代替她吧。“

So he had gone to the forest with the militias,

就这样他跟着民兵进了森林，

and Isabelle had never seen him again.

伊莎贝拉再也没有见过他。

Well, it's because of people like Isabelle and her husband

因为像伊莎贝拉和她丈夫这样的人

that I have devoted my career to studying this war

我为研究这场战争贡献了我的职业生涯

that we know so little about.

这场我们少有知晓的战争。

Although there is one story about Congo that you may have heard.

不过你应该听说过一个关于刚果的故事。

It's a story about minerals and rape.

一个关于矿产和强暴的故事。

Policy statements and media reports

政策声明和媒体报道

both usually focus on a primary cause of violence in Congo --

大部分时间都集中于刚果暴力的主要原因--

the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources --

自然资源的非法开采与交易--

and on a main consequence --

和一个主要后果--

sexual abuse of women and girls as a weapon of war.

把性虐待女人和女孩作为战争武器。

So, not that these two issues aren't important and tragic. They are.

的确这些问题很重要也很悲惨。

But today I want to tell you a different story.

不过我今天要讲一个不同的故事。

I want to tell you a story that emphasizes a core cause

我想告诉你一个强调

战争主要原因的故事。

of the ongoing conflict.

Violence in Congo is in large part driven by local bottom-up conflicts

在刚果，暴力的起因主要是本地由下到上的，

that international peace efforts have failed to help address.

国际和平努力未能提到的斗争。

The story starts from the fact that not only is Congo notable

这个故事的开始，是刚果不仅是

for being the world's worst ongoing humanitarian crisis,

世界正在进行的最糟人道危机，

but it is also home to some of the largest

也是一些最大的国际

international peacebuilding efforts in the world.

建设和平力量的所在地。

Congo hosts the largest

刚果拥有全球最大并且

and most expensive United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world.

最贵的联合国维护和平团队。

It was also the site of the first European-led peacekeeping mission,

它也是第一支欧洲和平维护队伍所选之地。

and for its first cases ever,

国际刑事执法也是第一次

the International Criminal Court chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.

选择控告刚果军阀。

In 2006, when Congo held the first free national elections in its history,

2006年，刚果举行历史上 第一次全国自由选举时，

many observers thought that an end to violence in the region had finally come.

许多旁观者以为暴乱终于结束了。

The international community lauded the successful organization of these elections

国际社区大力赞扬了 成功推动选举的机构

as finally an example of successful international intervention

作为在一个失败的国家里

in a failed state.

成功进行国际调停的例子。

But the eastern provinces

但是东边的省份

have continued to face massive population displacements

依旧面临着大量的人口流失

and horrific human rights violations.

和可怕的人权侵犯。

Shortly before I went back there last summer,

在我回刚果前不久，

there was a horrible massacre in the province of South Kivu.

南基伏发生了一起惨烈的屠杀。

Thirty-three people were killed.

三十三人被杀。

They were mostly women and children,

他们中大部分是女人和孩子，

and many of them were hacked to death.

很多都是被砍伤致死。

During the past eight years,

在过去的八年里，

fighting in the eastern provinces has regularly reignited

东刚果的战斗定期

重燃全面内战和国际战争。

full-scale civil and international war.

So basically, every time we feel that we are on the brink of peace,

简单来说，每次当我们感觉和平快要到来时，

the conflict explodes again.

战争就会爆发。

Why?

为什么？

Why have the massive international efforts

为什么大量国际的努力

failed to help Congo achieve lasting peace and security?

依旧无法让刚果达到长期的和平稳定？

Well, my answer to this question revolves around two central observations.

我对这些问题的回答 围绕着两个主要观察。

First, one of the main reasons for the continuation of violence in Congo

第一，刚果暴乱持续的主要原因之一

is fundamentally local --

其实是局部的--

and when I say local,

当我说局部，

I really mean at the level of the individual, the family,

我其实指的是个人级别，家庭，

the clan, the municipality, the community, the district,

宗族，城市，社区，片区，

sometimes the ethnic group.

有时种族。

For instance, you remember the story of Isabelle that I told you.

比如，你记得我给你们讲过的 伊莎贝拉的故事吧。

Well, the reason why militias had attacked Isabelle's village

民兵袭击她的村庄

was because they wanted to take the land

是因为他们想要村民们

that the villagers needed to cultivate food and to survive.

赖以生存的耕地。

The second central observation is that international peace efforts

我的第二个主要观察是，国际和平努力

have failed to help address local conflicts

因为现今建设和平的文化氛围，

because of the presence of a dominant peacebuilding culture.

没能顾及地方性斗争。

So what I mean is that

我想说的是，

Western and African diplomats,

从事于解决战争的

United Nations peacekeepers, donors,

西方和非洲的外交官们，

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations

联合国和平卫士，捐赠者们，

that work with the resolution of conflict,

大部分民间机构工作人员，

they all share a specific way of seeing the world.

都用同样的视角在看待这个世界。

And I was one of these people, and I shared this culture,

我以前也是他们之一，我也在这样的文化下,

so I know all too well how powerful it is.

所以我知道它有多强大。

Throughout the world, and throughout conflict zones,

这个遍布世界和战争地区 的普遍文化

this common culture shapes the intervener's understanding

让调停者认为

of the causes of violence

暴乱的原因主要

as something that is primarily located in the national and international spheres.

是在全国和国际范围内的。

It shapes our understanding of the path toward peace

它使我们认为 达到和平需要

as something again that requires top-down intervention

自上而下的干预

to address national and international tensions.

来解决全国和国际范围的紧张关系。

And it shapes our understanding of the roles of foreign actors

它也使我们认为 外国角色的任务

as engaging in national and international peace processes.

是参与到全国与国际范围的和平进程。

Even more importantly, this common culture

更重要的是，这个普遍文化

enables international peacebuilders to ignore the micro-level tensions

使国际和平建设者们忽略了 危害宏观级别和解的

that often jeopardize the macro-level settlements.

微级矛盾。

So for instance, in Congo,

举个例子，在刚果，

because of how they are socialized and trained,

因为他们受到的社会和专业教育

United Nations officials, donors, diplomats,

联合国工作人员，捐赠者，外交官，

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations,

非政府机构工作人员

they interpret continued fighting and massacres as a top-down problem.

都把持续的战争与屠杀 视为由上而下解决的问题。

To them, the violence they see

对他们来说，他们所见的暴乱

is the consequence of tensions between President Kabila

是卡比拉总统和各个国家政敌

and various national opponents,

的紧张关系，还有刚果、卢旺达、

and tensions between Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.

乌干达紧张关系的结果。

In addition, these international peacebuilders view local conflicts

此外，这些国际和平使者们 仅仅把地区性矛盾

as simply the result of national and international tensions,

看作是全国和国际紧张局势，

insufficient state authority,

薄弱的政府，

and what they call the Congolese people's so-called inherent penchant for violence.

和他们所谓的刚果人民 天生暴力倾向的结果。

The dominant culture also constructs intervention

主流文化也使全国和国际层面调停

at the national and international levels

成为联合国工作人员和外交官

as the only natural and legitimate task for United Nations staffers and diplomats.

唯一自然正当的任务。

And it elevates the organization of general elections,

它也把现在类似万灵药的

普选组织升为

which is now a sort of cure-all,

最重要的国家重建机制，

as the most crucial state reconstruction mechanism

over more effective state-building approaches.

甚至超过其他更有效的国家建设途径。

And that happens not only in Congo but also in many other conflict zones.

这现象不仅在刚果，也发生在许多其他纷争地带。

But let's dig deeper,

不过让我们再深入，

into the other main sources of violence.

去探究暴乱的其他主要原因。

In Congo, continuing violence

在刚果，持续暴乱

is motivated not only by the national and international causes

不仅由全国与国际原因造成，

but also by longstanding bottom-up agendas

也因为长期存在的由下到上的议程。

whose main instigators are villagers, traditional chiefs,

村民们，酋长们，社区首领们和

community chiefs or ethnic leaders.

民族领袖们是它们的主要煽动者。

Many conflicts revolve around political, social and economic stakes

许多矛盾都围绕着明显地区性的

政治，社会和经济利益。

that are distinctively local.

For instance, there is a lot of competition

比如说，村庄和片区有

at the village or district level

许多关于谁能根据

over who can be chief of village or chief of territory

传统条律成为村庄或区域的首领，

according to traditional law,

谁能控制地产分布

and who can control the distribution of land

和矿产开采的竞争。

and the exploitation of local mining sites.

This competition often results in localized fighting,

这样的竞争经常造成地区的打斗，

for instance in one village or territory,

比如说在某村庄或片区，

and quite frequently, it escalates into generalized fighting,

经常升级为广泛的战争，

so across a whole province,

横跨整个省份，

and even at times into neighboring countries.

甚至有时附近的国家。

Take the conflict between Congolese of Rwandan descent

举个例子，在刚果的卢旺达后裔

and the so-called indigenous communities of the Kivus.

和所谓的基伏原住民团体的战争

This conflict started in the 1930s during Belgian colonization,

从1930年左右，比利时殖民期，

when both communities competed over access to land and to local power.

由土地使用权和当地政权的竞争开始。

Then, in 1960, after Congolese independence,

接着，在1960年，刚果独立后，

it escalated because each camp tried to align with national politicians,

斗争因为双方尝试与国内政治家联盟而扩张，

but still to advance their local agendas.

不过依旧只是为推动他们本地的议程。

And then, at the time of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,

后来，在1994乌干达种族屠杀时，

these local actors allied with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,

这些地区性角色与刚果和乌干达武装分子联盟，

but still to advance their local agendas in the provinces of the Kivus.

依旧为推动基伏片区的议程。

And since then, these local disputes over land and local power

从那时开始，这些关于土地和政权 的地区性矛盾

have fueled violence,

便已为暴乱加油，

and they have regularly jeopardized

它们也经常危害到

the national and international settlements.

国内和国际的和议。

So we can wonder why in these circumstances

所以我们可以纳闷为什么在这些情况下

the international peacebuilders have failed to help implement

国际和平使者无法实施

local peacebuilding programs.

本地和平建设计划。

And the answer is that international interveners

它的答案是，国际调和者们

deem the resolution of grassroots conflict

把解决草根矛盾看作是

an unimportant, unfamiliar, and illegitimate task.

不重要，不熟悉和不正当的任务。

The very idea of becoming involved at the local level clashes fundamentally

参与地区性矛盾的概念从根本上就与

with existing cultural norms,

现今文化的标准不符，

and it threatens key organizational interests.

它也威胁重要机构的兴趣。

For instance, the very identity of the United Nations

比如说，如果联合国

as this macro-level diplomatic organization

重新专注于地区性矛盾，它的定位，

would be upended if it were to refocus on local conflicts.

一个宏观层面的外交机构， 就会被颠倒。

And the result is that neither the internal resistance

这些的结果就是，无论是内部对主要

运行方式的反抗，

to the dominant ways of working

nor the external shocks

还是外部打击，

have managed to convince international actors that they should reevaluate

都没有说服国际角色去重新评估

他们对暴乱和调和的理解。

their understanding of violence and intervention.

And so far, there have been only very few exceptions.

到目前为止只发生过几起例外。

There have been exceptions, but only very few exceptions,

有例外发生过，但是与主流格局相比

to this broad pattern.

这些例外微乎其微。

So to wrap up, the story I just told you

总的来说，我刚为你们讲的故事

is a story about how a dominant peacebuilding culture

是一个关于主流和平建设文化

shapes the intervener's understanding of what the causes of violence are,

如何形成调和者们对暴乱的起因，

how peace is made,

和平的建设，

and what interventions should accomplish.

和介入调停需要达到目的理解的故事。

These understandings enable international peacebuilders

这些理解使国际和平使者们

to ignore the micro-level foundations

忽视对可以持续的和平

that are so necessary for sustainable peace.

极其重要的微级根基。

The resulting inattention to local conflicts

所致使的对地区性矛盾的不注意

leads to inadequate peacebuilding in the short term

造成不充分和平建设的短期结果

and potential war resumption in the long term.

和可能回归战争的长期结果。

And what's fascinating is that this analysis

吸引人的是这个分析

helps us to better understand many cases of lasting conflict

帮助我们更好理解许多持续的矛盾

and international intervention failures, in Africa and elsewhere.

和国际调和在非洲和其他区域的失败。

Local conflicts fuel violence in most war and post-war environments,

在战中和战后环境下，本地矛盾鼓动暴乱

from Afghanistan to Sudan to Timor-Leste,

从阿富汗到苏丹到帝摩尔莱斯塔，

and in the rare cases where there have been comprehensive,

在少有的拥有全面从下到上

bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives,

和平建设动机的例子里，

these attempts have been successful at making peace sustainable.

这些尝试都成功地创造了长期和平。

One of the best examples is the contrast

最好的例子之一是

between the relatively peaceful situation in Somaliland,

相对平静的索马里兰，受益于

which benefited from sustained grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,

维持的草根和平建设动机，

and the violence prevalent in the rest of Somalia,

和暴乱遍布的，和平建设主要由上到下的

where peacebuilding has been mostly top-down.

剩余索马里地区的对比。

And there are several other cases

也有数个其他地区性、

in which local, grassroots conflict resolution

草根的矛盾决议有重大

has made a crucial difference.

成效的案例。

So if we want international peacebuilding to work,

所以如果我们想国际和平建设成功，

in addition to any top-down intervention,

在从上到下调停的基础上，

conflicts must be resolved from the bottom up.

矛盾需要从下到上解决。

And again, it's not that national and international tensions don't matter.

再说一次，并不是全国和国际矛盾不重要。

They do.

他们很重要。

And it's not that national and international peacebuilding

全国和国际和平建设也并不是

isn't necessary.

不必要。

It is.

它是需要的。

Instead, it is that both macro-level and micro-level peacebuilding are needed

反之，要使和平持久，微观和宏观层面的和平建设

to make peace sustainable,

都是需要的，

and local nongovernmental organizations,

而且本地非政府机构，

local authorities and civil society representatives

本地权威和民间社区代表

should be the main actors in the bottom-up process.

才应是从下到上过程的主要角色。

So of course, there are obstacles.

所以障碍当然存在。

Local actors often lack the funding

本地角色时常缺少资金

and sometimes the logistical means and the technical capacity

或者有时后勤物资和技术能力

to implement effective, local peacebuilding programs.

去执行有效的本地和平建设计划。

So international actors should expand their funding and support

所以国际角色应该为本地矛盾解决

for local conflict resolution.

扩展他们的募资和支持。

As for Congo, what can be done?

至于刚果，能为它做什么呢？

After two decades of conflict and the deaths of millions,

二十年战争和数百万死亡清楚地证明

it's clear that we need to change our approach.

我们必须改变我们的方法。

Based on my field research,

根据我的实地调查，

I believe that international and Congolese actors

我认为国际和刚果角色

should pay more attention to the resolution of land conflict

应该多加关注如何解决土地斗争

and the promotion of inter-community reconciliation.

和促进社区之间的和平共处。

So for instance, in the province of the Kivus,

比如说，在基伏地带，

the Life and Peace Institute and its Congolese partners

生命与和平协会和它的刚果合作伙伴

have set up inter-community forums

建立了社区之间的论坛

to discuss the specifics of local conflicts over land,

用于讨论地区性土地斗争的细节，

and these forums have found solutions to help manage the violence.

并且这些论坛有找到控制暴乱的方案。

That's the kind of program that is sorely needed

当下整个东刚果极其需要的

就是这类计划。

throughout eastern Congo.

It's with programs like this

我们只有通过这样的计划

that we can help people like Isabelle and her husband.

才能帮助像伊莎贝拉和她丈夫那样的人。

So these will not be magic wands,

这些并不是魔法棒，

but because they take into account deeply rooted causes of the violence,

但是因为囊括了根深蒂固的暴乱起因，

they could definitely be game-changers.

它们一定能成为转折点。

Thank you.

谢谢。

(Applause)

(掌声)