Severine Autesserre: To solve mass violence, look to locals

譯者: Harry Chen 審譯者: Lei Ping

I want to speak about a forgotten conflict.

我想要講一個早已被遺忘的紛爭，

It's a conflict that rarely hits the headlines.

那是很少上頭條的紛爭。

It happens right here, in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

就發生在這裡 ─ 剛果民主共和國。

Now, most people outside of Africa don't know much about the war in Congo,

當今在非洲以外的大部分人 都不太知道在剛果的戰爭，

so let me give you a couple of key facts.

讓我來向你們介紹幾個重大的真相：

The Congolese conflict is the deadliest conflict since World War II.

「剛果紛爭」是二次世界大戰之後 死傷最慘重的紛爭，

It has caused almost four million deaths.

奪走了將近四百萬條性命，

It has destabilized most of Central Africa for the past 18 years.

讓中非的許多地方在過去18年來不安定，

It is the largest ongoing humanitarian crisis in the world.

是世界上最大、進行中的人道災難，

That's why I first went to Congo in 2001.

那就是我在 2001 年 首次去剛果的原因。

I was a young humanitarian aid worker, and I met this woman who was my age.

當時我是個年輕的人道援助人員， 碰到了一位和我同年齡的女士，

She was called Isabelle.

她的名字是「伊莎貝爾」。

Local militias had attacked Isabelle's village.

地方民兵攻擊了她的村落，

They had killed many men, raped many women.

他們殺掉許多男人、強姦許多女人，

They had looted everything.

他們搜括走所有東西。

And then they wanted to take Isabelle,

後來他們還打算帶走伊莎貝爾，

but her husband stepped in,

但是她的丈夫出面干涉了，

and he said, "No, please don't take Isabelle.

他說：「不行，請不要帶走伊莎貝爾， 用我來頂替吧！」，

Take me instead."

So he had gone to the forest with the militias,

為此他就和民兵一起了進入森林裡，

and Isabelle had never seen him again.

而伊莎貝爾就不曾再見過他了。

Well, it's because of people like Isabelle and her husband

就是因為有像伊莎貝爾 和她丈夫的這些人，

that I have devoted my career to studying this war

我才投入我的生涯來研究這場 我們所知極少的戰爭。

that we know so little about.

Although there is one story about Congo that you may have heard.

有一種對剛果的報導你們可能知道，

It's a story about minerals and rape.

乃有關礦產和強暴的報導。

Policy statements and media reports

政策聲明以及新聞媒體，

both usually focus on a primary cause of violence in Congo --

通常皆關注於剛果動亂的一個主要原因－

the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources --

非法盜採和走私天然資源；

and on a main consequence --

還有一個重大的不良後果－

sexual abuse of women and girls as a weapon of war.

當作戰爭手段來性侵女人和女孩。

So, not that these two issues aren't important and tragic. They are.

並非這兩個主題不重要、不悲慘， 它們既重要也悲慘；

But today I want to tell you a different story.

不過今天我想要跟你們 講不一樣的故事，

I want to tell you a story that emphasizes a core cause

我的故事側重在進行中之紛爭的核心原因。

of the ongoing conflict.

Violence in Congo is in large part driven by local bottom-up conflicts

在剛果的動亂大部分是地方 由下而上擴展的紛爭所帶動，

that international peace efforts have failed to help address.

國際建立和平任務 在協助處理這些紛爭上也受到挫敗。

The story starts from the fact that not only is Congo notable

故事始於剛果在現實中 不但是世界上惡名昭彰、

for being the world's worst ongoing humanitarian crisis,

進行中之最惡劣的人道災難，

but it is also home to some of the largest

同時還是世界上某些最大規模

international peacebuilding efforts in the world.

國際的和平任務建立之據點。

Congo hosts the largest

在剛果進行著世界上最大、

and most expensive United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world.

最耗錢的聯合國維護和平任務，

It was also the site of the first European-led peacekeeping mission,

它也是第一個由歐洲主導 維護和平任務的地方；

and for its first cases ever,

國際刑事法庭決定起訴剛果的軍閥，

the International Criminal Court chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.

這也是剛果有史以來的第一次。

In 2006, when Congo held the first free national elections in its history,

在 2006 年剛果舉辦了 史上第一次的全民選舉，

many observers thought that an end to violence in the region had finally come.

許多觀察家認為此地區的動亂 終於快要結束了；

The international community lauded the successful organization of these elections

國際社會讚揚選舉成功的籌辦，

as finally an example of successful international intervention

就像是在破敗的國家裡 終於有成功的國際介入案例。

in a failed state.

But the eastern provinces

不過東部的省份持續面臨著 大量流離失所的人口，

have continued to face massive population displacements

and horrific human rights violations.

還有可怕的侵犯人權行為。

Shortly before I went back there last summer,

去年夏天在我重回那裡的不久前，

there was a horrible massacre in the province of South Kivu.

南基伍省發生了恐怖的屠殺案，

Thirty-three people were killed.

有33 人被殺害；

They were mostly women and children,

大多數是女人跟小孩，

and many of them were hacked to death.

許多是被砍殺致死的。

During the past eight years,

在過去八年的期間裡，

fighting in the eastern provinces has regularly reignited

東部省份的鬥爭經常地激發出 全面性的內戰和跨國戰爭。

full-scale civil and international war.

So basically, every time we feel that we are on the brink of peace,

基本而言， 每次我們感覺已經走到了和平的邊上，

the conflict explodes again.

紛爭卻又會再次爆發。

Why?

為什麼？

Why have the massive international efforts

為什麼有了大量的國際奧援，

failed to help Congo achieve lasting peace and security?

要幫助剛果獲取長久的和平 與安全上卻不管用呢？

Well, my answer to this question revolves around two central observations.

我的答案與兩個主要的 觀察脫離不了關係，

First, one of the main reasons for the continuation of violence in Congo

第一、在剛果動亂持續不斷的主要原因之一，

is fundamentally local --

本質上是地方的原因；

and when I say local,

我說的「地方」 ─

I really mean at the level of the individual, the family,

其實是指個人、家庭、

the clan, the municipality, the community, the district,

宗族、自治市、社群、地區的等級，

sometimes the ethnic group.

有時候可能是種族之層級。

For instance, you remember the story of Isabelle that I told you.

比如說還記得伊莎貝爾的故事吧，

Well, the reason why militias had attacked Isabelle's village

民兵之所以攻擊伊莎貝爾的村落，

was because they wanted to take the land

是因為他們想要取得土地；

that the villagers needed to cultivate food and to survive.

而村民需要這些土地來栽種食物與維持生計。

The second central observation is that international peace efforts

第二個主要觀察、

國際的和平推動在協助處理 地方性紛爭上是不管用的，

have failed to help address local conflicts

because of the presence of a dominant peacebuilding culture.

因為目前建立和平的主流文化 ─

So what I mean is that

我指的是大多數致力於化解衝突的 西方與非洲的外交官們、

Western and African diplomats,

United Nations peacekeepers, donors,

聯合國的維護和平人員、贊助者們、

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations

非政府組織的成員們，

that work with the resolution of conflict,

they all share a specific way of seeing the world.

他們全都共享著一個看待世界 的獨特方式，

And I was one of these people, and I shared this culture,

我也曾是其中的一份子， 我有分享到這種文化，

so I know all too well how powerful it is.

所以我極其明白它有多強大。

Throughout the world, and throughout conflict zones,

遍及整個世界、紛爭區域，

this common culture shapes the intervener's understanding

這個共同的文化影響著國際介入者 對動亂起因的認知，

of the causes of violence

as something that is primarily located in the national and international spheres.

把它當作是主要定位在國家與國際範疇的東西。

It shapes our understanding of the path toward peace

它影響到我們對和平之路的理解：

as something again that requires top-down intervention

當做同樣需要從中央往地方

to address national and international tensions.

去推行的某種介入；

And it shapes our understanding of the roles of foreign actors

而且它影響了我們對國際外力

as engaging in national and international peace processes.

在參與國內和跨國和平步驟時角色的認知。

Even more importantly, this common culture

更重要的是這個共有文化

enables international peacebuilders to ignore the micro-level tensions

讓國際建立和平的介入者 忽視了細瑣的衝突，

that often jeopardize the macro-level settlements.

但那經常有損於總體面之和平協定。

So for instance, in Congo,

舉例來說在剛果，

because of how they are socialized and trained,

正因為這樣的社交化和培訓，

United Nations officials, donors, diplomats,

聯合國官員、贊助者、外交人員、

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations,

和大多數非政府機構的成員們，

they interpret continued fighting and massacres as a top-down problem.

他們將持續不斷的鬥爭和屠殺 理解成從中央往地方衍生出來的問題；

To them, the violence they see

對他們而言所見之動亂，

is the consequence of tensions between President Kabila

乃是卡比拉總統和許多國內對手之間、

and various national opponents,

剛果與盧安達和烏干達之間

and tensions between Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.

緊張關係的後果。

In addition, these international peacebuilders view local conflicts

此外這些國際和平組織視地方紛爭

as simply the result of national and international tensions,

單純是國內和國際之緊張關係、

insufficient state authority,

不完善的國家權力所造成的結果，

and what they call the Congolese people's so-called inherent penchant for violence.

還有他們指稱所謂的剛果人 對動亂固有的喜好。

The dominant culture also constructs intervention

主流文化也構成了

at the national and international levels

在國家與國際程度的介入，

as the only natural and legitimate task for United Nations staffers and diplomats.

是聯合國職員和外交官們 唯一合本分與合法的任務；

And it elevates the organization of general elections,

還有它拉抬了普選的籌辦，

which is now a sort of cure-all,

普選如今有點像是萬靈丹，

as the most crucial state reconstruction mechanism

變成最為關鍵的國家重建機制，

over more effective state-building approaches.

遠勝過其他有效的國家發展手段。

And that happens not only in Congo but also in many other conflict zones.

這不只是剛果， 在許多其他衝突地區也一樣。

But let's dig deeper,

不過就讓我們再看深入一點，

into the other main sources of violence.

找出動亂的其他主要根源。

In Congo, continuing violence

在剛果持續上演的動亂，

is motivated not only by the national and international causes

不只是被國家和國際的因素所驅動，

but also by longstanding bottom-up agendas

更是因為由來已久的 從地方擴及全國的紛爭，

whose main instigators are villagers, traditional chiefs,

這些首要的煽動者是村民、傳統頭目、

community chiefs or ethnic leaders.

社群頭目或是種族領袖。

Many conflicts revolve around political, social and economic stakes

許多紛爭都和政治、社會、 經濟方面脫不了關係，

that are distinctively local.

都是專屬於地方性的議題：

For instance, there is a lot of competition

比如說在村落或地區的層級 有多不勝數的競爭，

at the village or district level

over who can be chief of village or chief of territory

糾執於根據傳統律法 誰可以成為村落或領地的主事者、

according to traditional law,

and who can control the distribution of land

誰可以決定土地的分配、

and the exploitation of local mining sites.

誰有地方礦區的開採權等等。

This competition often results in localized fighting,

這種競爭經常造成地方性的爭鬥，

for instance in one village or territory,

比如說在村落或領地裡，

and quite frequently, it escalates into generalized fighting,

又很頻繁地擴大成全面性的戰事，

so across a whole province,

延燒到整個省份，

and even at times into neighboring countries.

甚至有幾次還打到鄰國裡去。

Take the conflict between Congolese of Rwandan descent

就拿有著盧安達血緣的剛果人

and the so-called indigenous communities of the Kivus.

以及俗稱「基伍人」的原住民社群 之間的紛爭來說吧，

This conflict started in the 1930s during Belgian colonization,

紛爭始於 1930 年代 比利時殖民期間，

when both communities competed over access to land and to local power.

當雙邊社群在競逐 土地使用權以及地方權勢時；

Then, in 1960, after Congolese independence,

1960 年剛果獨立後紛爭更嚴重了，

it escalated because each camp tried to align with national politicians,

因為每個陣營都企圖 與國內政治人物結盟，

but still to advance their local agendas.

但是仍然要推展地方事項。

And then, at the time of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,

之後在 1994 年盧安達的種族大屠殺，

these local actors allied with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,

這些地方人物與剛果、 盧安達的武裝團體結盟，

but still to advance their local agendas in the provinces of the Kivus.

不過依然要推展基伍 數個省份之地方事項。

And since then, these local disputes over land and local power

自此之後， 這些土地和權勢的地方爭議

have fueled violence,

一直在助漲動亂，

and they have regularly jeopardized

它們也一再地損害

the national and international settlements.

國家與國際的協定。

So we can wonder why in these circumstances

因此我們可以想一想 為什麼在這些情形下，

the international peacebuilders have failed to help implement

國際建立和平者在協助推動

local peacebuilding programs.

地方性和平建造計畫上是失敗的。

And the answer is that international interveners

答案就是國際介入者

deem the resolution of grassroots conflict

認為基層衝突的化解

an unimportant, unfamiliar, and illegitimate task.

是不重要、不熟悉、不合法的任務，

The very idea of becoming involved at the local level clashes fundamentally

逐漸牽扯進地方層級事務的想法

會重大地牴觸到現存的常規，

with existing cultural norms,

and it threatens key organizational interests.

而且威脅到重大的組織利益。

For instance, the very identity of the United Nations

就拿聯合國的身份來說，

as this macro-level diplomatic organization

要是它改為關注地方紛爭，

would be upended if it were to refocus on local conflicts.

這個宏觀層面的外交組織將會被顛覆。

And the result is that neither the internal resistance

而結局就是－

to the dominant ways of working

既非主流方法之運作的內部排斥，

nor the external shocks

亦非外部衝擊，

have managed to convince international actors that they should reevaluate

有成功說服國際外力重新評估

their understanding of violence and intervention.

他們對暴亂以及介入的認識。

And so far, there have been only very few exceptions.

迄今只發生過非常少的例外情形;

There have been exceptions, but only very few exceptions,

相對於廣泛的案例來說，

to this broad pattern.

是有例外情形不過極少見。

So to wrap up, the story I just told you

那麼總結一下，

is a story about how a dominant peacebuilding culture

我的故事講述了主流的建造和平文化

shapes the intervener's understanding of what the causes of violence are,

如何影響到介入者對動亂起因的認知、

how peace is made,

如何締造和平、

and what interventions should accomplish.

以及介入應該要達成的目標。

These understandings enable international peacebuilders

這些理解讓國際建立和平介入者

to ignore the micro-level foundations

得以漠視細瑣程度的根本問題，

that are so necessary for sustainable peace.

但那對可持久的和平來說 卻是非常必要。

The resulting inattention to local conflicts

對地方性紛爭的不看重，

leads to inadequate peacebuilding in the short term

會導致短期內不合宜的和平建立計畫，

and potential war resumption in the long term.

以及長期來說可能發生的戰事重啟，

And what's fascinating is that this analysis

這個分析有意思的地方，

helps us to better understand many cases of lasting conflict

是它能幫助我們更了解非洲及他處 許多沒完沒了的紛爭

and international intervention failures, in Africa and elsewhere.

以及國際介入失敗的案例。

Local conflicts fuel violence in most war and post-war environments,

從阿富汗、蘇丹到東帝汶共和國等地

from Afghanistan to Sudan to Timor-Leste,

地方紛爭在戰爭最嚴重 或戰後的環境煽起動亂。

and in the rare cases where there have been comprehensive,

極少的案例會有完整的、

bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives,

從地方往中央進行的建立和平手段，

these attempts have been successful at making peace sustainable.

而這些做法成功地讓和平得以維持。

One of the best examples is the contrast

最佳的案例之一是

between the relatively peaceful situation in Somaliland,

相對狀況較為和平的索瑪利蘭，

which benefited from sustained grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,

其受益於可持久、基層的建立和平方法，

and the violence prevalent in the rest of Somalia,

相比之下，大多由中央向下推動和平的

where peacebuilding has been mostly top-down.

索馬利亞其它地區依然動亂猖獗。

And there are several other cases

還有其他幾個案例，

in which local, grassroots conflict resolution

對地方、基層的紛爭排解辦法

has made a crucial difference.

已經造成了重大的差異。

So if we want international peacebuilding to work,

要是我們希望國際建立和平行得通，

in addition to any top-down intervention,

除了由中央往地方的介入以外，

conflicts must be resolved from the bottom up.

紛爭必定要由地方往中央依序來解決。

And again, it's not that national and international tensions don't matter.

不是說國家和國際的緊張情勢不重要，

They do.

那是重要的；

And it's not that national and international peacebuilding

不是說國家和國際的建立和平不必要，

isn't necessary.

It is.

那是必要的。

Instead, it is that both macro-level and micro-level peacebuilding are needed

然而為了讓和平永續長存，

to make peace sustainable,

大方向和小細節的 和平建設都是必要的。

and local nongovernmental organizations,

而且地方型非政府組織、

local authorities and civil society representatives

治理機關和人民代表

should be the main actors in the bottom-up process.

應該成為由地方往中央推展的 建立和平之主角。

So of course, there are obstacles.

當然了也會碰到屏障：

Local actors often lack the funding

地方介入者常常欠缺資金、

and sometimes the logistical means and the technical capacity

後勤通路和技術能力，

to implement effective, local peacebuilding programs.

以執行有效的地方和平建立計畫。

So international actors should expand their funding and support

國際介入者應該增加資金和援助，

for local conflict resolution.

以支持地方之紛爭排解。

As for Congo, what can be done?

拿剛果來說可以做些什麼呢？

After two decades of conflict and the deaths of millions,

歷經 20 年的紛爭、數百萬條性命逝去後，

it's clear that we need to change our approach.

很明確的是我們必須改變方法。

Based on my field research,

根據我的實地研究，

I believe that international and Congolese actors

我深信國際和剛果的介入者，

should pay more attention to the resolution of land conflict

應該多放些心力來解決土地紛爭、

and the promotion of inter-community reconciliation.

和促進社群內的和解。

So for instance, in the province of the Kivus,

例如基伍省，

the Life and Peace Institute and its Congolese partners

「生活與和平機構」與其剛果的同僚

have set up inter-community forums

已經建立了社群內部論壇，

to discuss the specifics of local conflicts over land,

討論針對土地紛爭的細節問題，

and these forums have found solutions to help manage the violence.

而這些論壇已經找到 有助於控制動亂的解決方案，

That's the kind of program that is sorely needed

那就是整個東剛果極度需要的計畫。

throughout eastern Congo.

It's with programs like this

有了像這樣的計畫

that we can help people like Isabelle and her husband.

我們可以用來幫助類似 伊沙貝兒和她丈夫這樣的人。

So these will not be magic wands,

這不會成為魔法棒，

but because they take into account deeply rooted causes of the violence,

但因為它們考慮到了 深植於動亂的緣由，

they could definitely be game-changers.

它們一定可以開創新機 ！

Thank you.

謝謝你們！

(Applause)

(掌聲)