A conservative's plea: Let's work together | Arthur Brooks

198,607 views ・ 2016-04-08

TED


Please double-click on the English subtitles below to play the video.

00:12
I come from one of the most liberal,
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tolerant, progressive places in the United States,
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Seattle, Washington.
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And I grew up with a family of great Seattlites.
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My mother was an artist, my father was a college professor,
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and I am truly grateful for my upbringing,
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because I always felt completely comfortable designing my life
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exactly as I saw fit.
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And in point of fact,
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I took a route that was not exactly what my parents had in mind.
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When I was 19, I dropped out of college --
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dropped out, kicked out, splitting hairs.
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(Laughter)
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And I went on the road as a professional French horn player,
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which was my lifelong dream.
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I played chamber music all over the United States and Europe,
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and I toured for a couple of years
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with a great jazz guitar player named Charlie Bird.
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And by the end of my 20s,
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I wound up as a member of the Barcelona Symphony Orchestra in Spain.
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What a great life.
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And you know, my parents never complained.
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They supported me all the way through it.
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It wasn't their dream.
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They used to tell their neighbors and friends,
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"Our son, he's taking a gap decade."
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(Laughter)
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And --
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There was, however, one awkward conversation about my lifestyle
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that I want to tell you about.
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I was 27, and I was home from Barcelona,
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and I was visiting my parents for Christmas,
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and I was cooking dinner with my mother, and we were alone in the kitchen.
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And she was quiet, too quiet.
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Something was wrong.
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And so I said, "Mom, what's on your mind?"
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And she said, "Your dad and I are really worried about you."
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And I said, "What?" I mean, what could it be, at this point?
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And she said, "I want you to be completely honest with me:
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have you been voting for Republicans?"
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(Laughter)
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Now, the truth is,
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I wasn't really political, I was just a French horn player.
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But I had a bit of an epiphany,
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and they had detected it, and it was causing some confusion.
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You see, I had become an enthusiast for capitalism,
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and I want to tell you why that is.
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It stems from a lifelong interest of mine
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in, believe it or not, poverty.
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See, when I was a kid growing up in Seattle,
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I remember the first time I saw real poverty.
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We were a lower middle class family, but that's of course not real poverty.
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That's not even close.
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The first time I saw poverty, and poverty's face,
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was when I was six or seven years old, early 1970s.
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And it was like a lot of you, kind of a prosaic example, kind of trite.
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It was a picture in the National Geographic Magazine
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of a kid who was my age in East Africa,
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and there were flies on his face and a distended belly.
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And he wasn't going to make it, and I knew that, and I was helpless.
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Some of you remember that picture,
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not exactly that picture, one just like it.
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It introduced the West to grinding poverty around the world.
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Well, that vision kind of haunted me as I grew up and I went to school
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and I dropped out and dropped in
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and started my family.
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And I wondered, what happened to that kid?
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Or to people just like him all over the world?
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And so I started to study, even though I wasn't in college,
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I was looking for the answer:
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what happened to the world's poorest people?
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Has it gotten worse? Has it gotten better? What?
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And I found the answer, and it changed my life,
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and I want to share it with you.
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See --
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most Americans believe that poverty has gotten worse
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since we were children, since they saw that vision.
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If you ask Americans, "Has poverty gotten worse or better around the world?",
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70 percent will say that hunger has gotten worse since the early 1970s.
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But here's the truth.
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Here's the epiphany that I had that changed my thinking.
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From 1970 until today,
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the percentage of the world's population
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living in starvation levels,
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living on a dollar a day or less, obviously adjusted for inflation,
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that percentage has declined
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by 80 percent.
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There's been an 80 percent decline in the world's worst poverty
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since I was a kid.
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And I didn't even know about it.
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This, my friends, that's a miracle.
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That's something we ought to celebrate.
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It's the greatest antipoverty achievement in the history of mankind,
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and it happened in our lifetimes.
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(Applause)
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So when I learned this, I asked, what did that? What made it possible?
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Because if you don't know why, you can't do it again.
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If you want to replicate it
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and get the next two billion people out of poverty,
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because that's what we're talking about: since I was a kid,
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two billion of the least of these, our brothers and sisters,
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have been pulled out of poverty.
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I want the next two billion, so I've got to know why.
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And I went in search of an answer.
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And it wasn't a political answer, because I didn't care.
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You know what, I still don't care.
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I wanted the best answer from mainstream economists
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left, right and center.
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And here it is.
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Here are the reasons.
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There are five reasons that two billion of our brothers and sisters
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have been pulled out of poverty since I was a kid.
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Number one: globalization.
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Number two: free trade.
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Number three: property rights.
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Number four: rule of law.
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Number five: entrepreneurship.
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It was the free enterprise system spreading around the world
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after 1970 that did that.
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Now, I'm not naive.
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I know that free enterprise isn't perfect,
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and I know that free enterprise isn't everything we need
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to build a better world.
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But that is great.
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And that's beyond politics.
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Here's what I learned. This is the epiphany.
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Capitalism is not just about accumulation.
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At its best, it's about aspiration,
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which is what so many people on this stage talk about,
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is the aspiration that comes from dreams
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that are embedded in the free enterprise system.
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And we've got to share it with more people.
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Now, I want to tell you about a second epiphany
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that's related to that first one
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that I think can bring us progress, not just around the world,
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but right here at home.
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The best quote I've ever heard
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to summarize the thoughts that I've just given you
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about pulling people out of poverty
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is as follows:
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"Free markets have created more wealth than any system in history.
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They have lifted billions out of poverty."
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Who said it?
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It sounds like Milton Friedman or Ronald Reagan.
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Wrong.
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President Barack Obama said that.
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Why do I know it by heart?
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Because he said it to me.
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Crazy.
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And I said, "Hallelujah."
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But more than that, I said,
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"What an opportunity."
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You know what I was thinking?
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It was at an event that we were doing on the subject
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at Georgetown University in May of 2015.
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And I thought, this is the solution
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to the biggest problem facing America today. What?
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It's coming together around these ideas,
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liberals and conservatives,
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to help people who need us the most.
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Now, I don't have to tell anybody in this room that we're in a crisis,
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in America and many countries around the world with political polarization.
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It's risen to critical, crisis levels.
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It's unpleasant. It's not right.
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There was an article last year
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in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,
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which is one of the most prestigious scientific journals
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published in the West.
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And it was an article in 2014
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on political motive asymmetry.
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What's that? That's what psychologists call the phenomenon
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of assuming that your ideology is based in love
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but your opponents' ideology is based in hate.
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It's common in world conflict.
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You expect to see this between Palestinians and Israelis, for example.
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What the authors of this article found
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was that in America today, a majority of Republicans and Democrats
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suffer from political motive asymmetry.
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A majority of people in our country today who are politically active believe
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that they are motivated by love but the other side is motivated by hate.
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Think about it. Think about it.
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Most people are walking around saying,
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"You know, my ideology is based on basic benevolence,
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I want to help people,
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but the other guys, they're evil and out to get me."
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You can't progress as a society when you have this kind of asymmetry.
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It's impossible.
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How do we solve it?
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Well, first, let's be honest: there are differences.
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Let's not minimize the differences. That would be really naΓ―ve.
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There's a lot of good research on this.
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A veteran of the TED stage is my friend Jonathan Haidt.
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He's a psychology professor at New York University.
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He does work on the ideology and values and morals of different people
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to see how they differ.
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And he's shown, for example, that conservatives and liberals
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have a very different emphasis on what they think is important.
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For example, Jon Haidt has shown
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that liberals care about poverty
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59 percent more than they care about economic liberty.
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And conservatives care about economic liberty
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28 percent more than they care about poverty.
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Irreconcilable differences, right?
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We'll never come together. Wrong.
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That is diversity in which lies our strength.
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Remember what pulled up the poor.
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It was the obsession with poverty,
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accompanied by the method of economic freedom
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spreading around the world.
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We need each other, in other words,
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if we want to help people and get the next two billion people out of poverty.
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There's no other way.
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Hmm.
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How are we going to get that?
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It's a tricky thing, isn't it.
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We need innovative thinking.
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A lot of it's on this stage.
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Social entrepreneurship. Yeah. Absolutely. Phenomenal.
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We need investment overseas
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in a sustainable, responsible, ethical and moral way. Yes. Yes.
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But you know what we really need?
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We need a new day in flexible ideology.
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We need to be less predictable.
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Don't we?
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Do you ever feel like your own ideology is starting to get predictable?
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Kinda conventional?
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Do you ever feel like you're always listening to people who agree with you?
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Why is that dangerous?
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Because when we talk in this country about economics,
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on the right, conservatives,
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you're always talking about taxes and regulations and big government.
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And on the left, liberals, you're talking about economics,
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it's always about income inequality.
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Right? Now those are important things,
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really important to me, really important to you.
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But when it comes to lifting people up
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who are starving and need us today, those are distractions.
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We need to come together around the best ways
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to mitigate poverty using the best tools at our disposal,
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and that comes only when conservatives recognize that they need liberals
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and their obsession with poverty,
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and liberals need conservatives and their obsession with free markets.
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That's the diversity in which lies the future strength of this country,
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if we choose to take it.
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So how are we going to do it? How are we going to do it together?
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I've got to have some action items, not just for you but for me.
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Number one. Action item number one:
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remember, it's not good enough just to tolerate people who disagree.
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It's not good enough.
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We have to remember that we need people who disagree with us,
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because there are people who need all of us
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who are still waiting for these tools.
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Now, what are you going to do? How are you going to express that?
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Where does this start? It starts here.
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You know, all of us in this room, we're blessed.
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We're blessed with people who listen to us.
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We're blessed with prosperity. We're blessed with leadership.
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When people hear us, with the kind of unpredictable ideology,
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then maybe people will listen.
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Maybe progress will start at that point.
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That's number one. Number two.
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Number two: I'm asking you and I'm asking me
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to be the person specifically who blurs the lines,
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who is ambiguous, who is hard to classify.
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If you're a conservative,
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be the conservative who is always going on about poverty
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and the moral obligation to be a warrior for the poor.
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And if you're a liberal, be a liberal who is always talking
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about the beauty of free markets to solve our problems
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when we use them responsibly.
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If we do that, we get two things.
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Number one: we get to start to work on the next two billion
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and be the solution that we've seen so much of in the past
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and we need to see more of in the future. That's what we get.
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And the second is that we might just be able
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to take the ghastly holy war of ideology that we're suffering under in this country
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and turn it into a competition of ideas
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based on solidarity and mutual respect.
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And then maybe, just maybe,
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we'll all realize that our big differences
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aren't really that big after all.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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