Will automation take away all our jobs? | David Autor

513,862 views ・ 2017-02-06

TED


Please double-click on the English subtitles below to play the video.

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Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Joanna Pietrulewicz
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Here's a startling fact:
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in the 45 years since the introduction of the automated teller machine,
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those vending machines that dispense cash,
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the number of human bank tellers employed in the United States
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has roughly doubled,
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from about a quarter of a million to a half a million.
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A quarter of a million in 1970 to about a half a million today,
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with 100,000 added since the year 2000.
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These facts, revealed in a recent book
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by Boston University economist James Bessen,
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raise an intriguing question:
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what are all those tellers doing,
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and why hasn't automation eliminated their employment by now?
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If you think about it,
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many of the great inventions of the last 200 years
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were designed to replace human labor.
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Tractors were developed
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to substitute mechanical power for human physical toil.
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Assembly lines were engineered
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to replace inconsistent human handiwork
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with machine perfection.
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Computers were programmed to swap out
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error-prone, inconsistent human calculation
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with digital perfection.
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These inventions have worked.
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We no longer dig ditches by hand,
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pound tools out of wrought iron
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or do bookkeeping using actual books.
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And yet, the fraction of US adults employed in the labor market
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is higher now in 2016
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than it was 125 years ago, in 1890,
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and it's risen in just about every decade
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in the intervening 125 years.
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This poses a paradox.
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Our machines increasingly do our work for us.
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Why doesn't this make our labor redundant and our skills obsolete?
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Why are there still so many jobs?
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(Laughter)
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I'm going to try to answer that question tonight,
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and along the way, I'm going to tell you what this means for the future of work
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and the challenges that automation does and does not pose
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for our society.
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Why are there so many jobs?
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There are actually two fundamental economic principles at stake.
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One has to do with human genius
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and creativity.
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The other has to do with human insatiability,
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or greed, if you like.
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I'm going to call the first of these the O-ring principle,
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and it determines the type of work that we do.
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The second principle is the never-get-enough principle,
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and it determines how many jobs there actually are.
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Let's start with the O-ring.
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ATMs, automated teller machines,
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had two countervailing effects on bank teller employment.
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As you would expect, they replaced a lot of teller tasks.
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The number of tellers per branch fell by about a third.
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But banks quickly discovered that it also was cheaper to open new branches,
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and the number of bank branches increased by about 40 percent
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in the same time period.
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The net result was more branches and more tellers.
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But those tellers were doing somewhat different work.
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As their routine, cash-handling tasks receded,
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they became less like checkout clerks
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and more like salespeople,
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forging relationships with customers,
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solving problems
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and introducing them to new products like credit cards, loans and investments:
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more tellers doing a more cognitively demanding job.
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There's a general principle here.
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Most of the work that we do
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requires a multiplicity of skills,
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and brains and brawn,
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technical expertise and intuitive mastery,
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perspiration and inspiration in the words of Thomas Edison.
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In general, automating some subset of those tasks
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doesn't make the other ones unnecessary.
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In fact, it makes them more important.
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It increases their economic value.
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Let me give you a stark example.
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In 1986, the space shuttle Challenger
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exploded and crashed back down to Earth
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less than two minutes after takeoff.
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The cause of that crash, it turned out,
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was an inexpensive rubber O-ring in the booster rocket
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that had frozen on the launchpad the night before
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and failed catastrophically moments after takeoff.
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In this multibillion dollar enterprise
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that simple rubber O-ring
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made the difference between mission success
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and the calamitous death of seven astronauts.
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An ingenious metaphor for this tragic setting
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is the O-ring production function,
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named by Harvard economist Michael Kremer
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after the Challenger disaster.
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The O-ring production function conceives of the work
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as a series of interlocking steps,
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links in a chain.
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Every one of those links must hold for the mission to succeed.
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If any of them fails,
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the mission, or the product or the service,
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comes crashing down.
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This precarious situation has a surprisingly positive implication,
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which is that improvements
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in the reliability of any one link in the chain
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increases the value of improving any of the other links.
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Concretely, if most of the links are brittle and prone to breakage,
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the fact that your link is not that reliable
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is not that important.
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Probably something else will break anyway.
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But as all the other links become robust and reliable,
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the importance of your link becomes more essential.
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In the limit, everything depends upon it.
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The reason the O-ring was critical to space shuttle Challenger
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is because everything else worked perfectly.
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If the Challenger were kind of the space era equivalent
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of Microsoft Windows 2000 --
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(Laughter)
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the reliability of the O-ring wouldn't have mattered
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because the machine would have crashed.
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(Laughter)
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Here's the broader point.
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In much of the work that we do, we are the O-rings.
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Yes, ATMs could do certain cash-handling tasks
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faster and better than tellers,
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but that didn't make tellers superfluous.
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It increased the importance of their problem-solving skills
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and their relationships with customers.
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The same principle applies if we're building a building,
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if we're diagnosing and caring for a patient,
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or if we are teaching a class
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to a roomful of high schoolers.
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As our tools improve,
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technology magnifies our leverage
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and increases the importance of our expertise
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and our judgment and our creativity.
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And that brings me to the second principle:
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never get enough.
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You may be thinking, OK, O-ring, got it,
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that says the jobs that people do will be important.
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They can't be done by machines, but they still need to be done.
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But that doesn't tell me how many jobs there will need to be.
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If you think about it, isn't it kind of self-evident
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that once we get sufficiently productive at something,
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we've basically worked our way out of a job?
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In 1900, 40 percent of all US employment
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was on farms.
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Today, it's less than two percent.
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Why are there so few farmers today?
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It's not because we're eating less.
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(Laughter)
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A century of productivity growth in farming
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means that now, a couple of million farmers
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can feed a nation of 320 million.
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That's amazing progress,
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but it also means there are only so many O-ring jobs left in farming.
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So clearly, technology can eliminate jobs.
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Farming is only one example.
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There are many others like it.
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But what's true about a single product or service or industry
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has never been true about the economy as a whole.
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Many of the industries in which we now work --
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health and medicine,
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finance and insurance,
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electronics and computing --
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were tiny or barely existent a century ago.
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Many of the products that we spend a lot of our money on --
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air conditioners, sport utility vehicles,
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computers and mobile devices --
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were unattainably expensive,
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or just hadn't been invented a century ago.
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As automation frees our time, increases the scope of what is possible,
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we invent new products, new ideas, new services
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that command our attention,
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occupy our time
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and spur consumption.
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You may think some of these things are frivolous --
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extreme yoga, adventure tourism,
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Pokémon GO --
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and I might agree with you.
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But people desire these things, and they're willing to work hard for them.
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The average worker in 2015
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wanting to attain the average living standard in 1915
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could do so by working just 17 weeks a year,
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one third of the time.
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But most people don't choose to do that.
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They are willing to work hard
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to harvest the technological bounty that is available to them.
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Material abundance has never eliminated perceived scarcity.
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In the words of economist Thorstein Veblen,
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invention is the mother of necessity.
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Now ...
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So if you accept these two principles,
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the O-ring principle and the never-get-enough principle,
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then you agree with me.
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There will be jobs.
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Does that mean there's nothing to worry about?
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Automation, employment, robots and jobs --
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it'll all take care of itself?
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No.
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That is not my argument.
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Automation creates wealth
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by allowing us to do more work in less time.
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There is no economic law
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that says that we will use that wealth well,
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and that is worth worrying about.
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Consider two countries,
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Norway and Saudi Arabia.
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Both oil-rich nations,
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it's like they have money spurting out of a hole in the ground.
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(Laughter)
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But they haven't used that wealth equally well to foster human prosperity,
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human prospering.
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Norway is a thriving democracy.
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By and large, its citizens work and play well together.
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It's typically numbered between first and fourth
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in rankings of national happiness.
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Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy
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in which many citizens lack a path for personal advancement.
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It's typically ranked 35th among nations in happiness,
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which is low for such a wealthy nation.
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Just by way of comparison,
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the US is typically ranked around 12th or 13th.
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The difference between these two countries
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is not their wealth
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and it's not their technology.
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It's their institutions.
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Norway has invested to build a society
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with opportunity and economic mobility.
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Saudi Arabia has raised living standards
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while frustrating many other human strivings.
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Two countries, both wealthy,
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not equally well off.
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And this brings me to the challenge that we face today,
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the challenge that automation poses for us.
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The challenge is not that we're running out of work.
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The US has added 14 million jobs
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since the depths of the Great Recession.
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The challenge is that many of those jobs
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are not good jobs,
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and many citizens cannot qualify for the good jobs
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that are being created.
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Employment growth in the United States and in much of the developed world
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looks something like a barbell
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with increasing poundage on either end of the bar.
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On the one hand,
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you have high-education, high-wage jobs
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like doctors and nurses, programmers and engineers,
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marketing and sales managers.
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Employment is robust in these jobs, employment growth.
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Similarly, employment growth is robust in many low-skill,
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low-education jobs like food service,
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cleaning, security,
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home health aids.
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Simultaneously, employment is shrinking
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in many middle-education, middle-wage, middle-class jobs,
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like blue-collar production and operative positions
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and white-collar clerical and sales positions.
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The reasons behind this contracting middle
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are not mysterious.
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Many of those middle-skill jobs
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use well-understood rules and procedures
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that can increasingly be codified in software
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and executed by computers.
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The challenge that this phenomenon creates,
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what economists call employment polarization,
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is that it knocks out rungs in the economic ladder,
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shrinks the size of the middle class
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and threatens to make us a more stratified society.
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On the one hand, a set of highly paid, highly educated professionals
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doing interesting work,
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on the other, a large number of citizens in low-paid jobs
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whose primary responsibility is to see to the comfort and health of the affluent.
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That is not my vision of progress,
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and I doubt that it is yours.
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But here is some encouraging news.
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We have faced equally momentous economic transformations in the past,
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and we have come through them successfully.
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In the late 1800s and early 1900s,
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when automation was eliminating vast numbers of agricultural jobs --
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remember that tractor? --
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the farm states faced a threat of mass unemployment,
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a generation of youth no longer needed on the farm
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but not prepared for industry.
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Rising to this challenge,
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they took the radical step
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of requiring that their entire youth population
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remain in school and continue their education
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to the ripe old age of 16.
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This was called the high school movement,
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and it was a radically expensive thing to do.
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Not only did they have to invest in the schools,
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but those kids couldn't work at their jobs.
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It also turned out to be one of the best investments
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the US made in the 20th century.
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It gave us the most skilled, the most flexible
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and the most productive workforce in the world.
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To see how well this worked, imagine taking the labor force of 1899
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and bringing them into the present.
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Despite their strong backs and good characters,
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many of them would lack the basic literacy and numeracy skills
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to do all but the most mundane jobs.
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Many of them would be unemployable.
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What this example highlights is the primacy of our institutions,
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most especially our schools,
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in allowing us to reap the harvest
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of our technological prosperity.
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It's foolish to say there's nothing to worry about.
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Clearly we can get this wrong.
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If the US had not invested in its schools and in its skills
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a century ago with the high school movement,
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we would be a less prosperous,
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a less mobile and probably a lot less happy society.
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But it's equally foolish to say that our fates are sealed.
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That's not decided by the machines.
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It's not even decided by the market.
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It's decided by us and by our institutions.
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Now, I started this talk with a paradox.
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Our machines increasingly do our work for us.
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Why doesn't that make our labor superfluous,
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our skills redundant?
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Isn't it obvious that the road to our economic and social hell
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is paved with our own great inventions?
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History has repeatedly offered an answer to that paradox.
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The first part of the answer is that technology magnifies our leverage,
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increases the importance, the added value
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of our expertise, our judgment and our creativity.
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That's the O-ring.
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The second part of the answer is our endless inventiveness
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and bottomless desires
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means that we never get enough, never get enough.
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There's always new work to do.
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Adjusting to the rapid pace of technological change
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creates real challenges,
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seen most clearly in our polarized labor market
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and the threat that it poses to economic mobility.
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Rising to this challenge is not automatic.
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It's not costless.
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It's not easy.
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But it is feasible.
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And here is some encouraging news.
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Because of our amazing productivity,
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we're rich.
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Of course we can afford to invest in ourselves and in our children
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as America did a hundred years ago with the high school movement.
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Arguably, we can't afford not to.
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Now, you may be thinking,
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Professor Autor has told us a heartwarming tale
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about the distant past,
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the recent past,
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maybe the present, but probably not the future.
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Because everybody knows that this time is different.
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Right? Is this time different?
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Of course this time is different.
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Every time is different.
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On numerous occasions in the last 200 years,
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scholars and activists have raised the alarm
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that we are running out of work and making ourselves obsolete:
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for example, the Luddites in the early 1800s;
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US Secretary of Labor James Davis
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in the mid-1920s;
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Nobel Prize-winning economist Wassily Leontief in 1982;
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and of course, many scholars,
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pundits, technologists
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and media figures today.
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These predictions strike me as arrogant.
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These self-proclaimed oracles are in effect saying,
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"If I can't think of what people will do for work in the future,
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then you, me and our kids
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aren't going to think of it either."
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I don't have the guts
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to take that bet against human ingenuity.
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Look, I can't tell you what people are going to do for work
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a hundred years from now.
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But the future doesn't hinge on my imagination.
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If I were a farmer in Iowa in the year 1900,
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and an economist from the 21st century teleported down to my field
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and said, "Hey, guess what, farmer Autor,
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in the next hundred years,
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agricultural employment is going to fall from 40 percent of all jobs
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17:47
to two percent
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purely due to rising productivity.
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What do you think the other 38 percent of workers are going to do?"
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I would not have said, "Oh, we got this.
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We'll do app development, radiological medicine,
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yoga instruction, Bitmoji."
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(Laughter)
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I wouldn't have had a clue.
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But I hope I would have had the wisdom to say,
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"Wow, a 95 percent reduction in farm employment
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with no shortage of food.
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That's an amazing amount of progress.
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I hope that humanity finds something remarkable to do
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with all of that prosperity."
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And by and large, I would say that it has.
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Thank you very much.
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(Applause)
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About this website

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