How does income affect childhood brain development? | Kimberly Noble

125,358 views ・ 2019-04-18

TED


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What I'm about to share with you are findings from a study
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of the brains of more than 1,000 children and adolescents.
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Now, these were children who were recruited
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from diverse homes around the United States,
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and this picture is an average of all of their brains.
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The front of this average brain is on your left
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and the back of this average brain is on your right.
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Now, one of the things we were very interested in
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was the surface area of the cerebral cortex,
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or the thin, wrinkly layer on the outer surface of the brain
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that does most of the cognitive heavy lifting.
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And that's because past work by other scientists has suggested
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that in many cases,
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a larger cortical surface area
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is often associated with higher intelligence.
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Now, in this study, we found one factor
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that was associated with the cortical surface area
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across nearly the entire surface of the brain.
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That factor was family income.
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Now, here, every point you see in color is a point where higher family income
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was associated with a larger cortical surface area in that spot.
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And there were some regions, shown here in yellow,
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where that association was particularly pronounced.
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And those are regions that we know support a certain set of cognitive skills:
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language skills like vocabulary and reading
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as well as the ability to avoid distraction
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and exert self-control.
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And that's important,
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because those are the very skills
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that children living in poverty are most likely to struggle with.
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In fact, a child living with poverty
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is likely to perform worse on tests of language and impulse control
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before they even turn two.
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Now, there are a few points I'd like to highlight about this study.
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Number one:
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this link between family income and children's brain structure
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was strongest at the lowest income levels.
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So that means that dollar for dollar,
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relatively small differences in family income
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were associated with proportionately greater differences in brain structure
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among the most disadvantaged families.
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And intuitively, that makes sense, right?
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An extra 20,000 dollars for a family earning, say, 150,000 dollars a year
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would certainly be nice, but probably not game-changing,
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whereas an extra 20,000 dollars
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for a family only earning 20,000 dollars a year
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would likely make a remarkable difference in their day-to-day lives.
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Now, the second point I'd like to highlight
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is that this link between family income and children's brain structure
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didn't depend on the children's age,
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it didn't depend on their sex
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and it didn't depend on their race or ethnicity.
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And the final point --
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and this one's key --
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there was tremendous variability from one child to the next,
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by which I mean there were plenty of children from higher-income homes
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with smaller brain surfaces
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and plenty of children from lower-income homes
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with larger brain surfaces.
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Here's an analogy.
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We all know that in childhood,
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boys tend to be taller than girls,
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but go into any elementary school classroom,
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and you'll find some girls who are taller than some boys.
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So while growing up in poverty is certainly a risk factor
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for a smaller brain surface,
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in no way can I know an individual child's family income
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and know with any accuracy
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what that particular child's brain would look like.
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I want you to imagine, for a moment, two children.
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One is a young child born into poverty in America;
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the other is also an American child,
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but one who was born into more fortunate circumstances.
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Now, at birth, we find absolutely no differences
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in how their brains work.
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But by the time those two kids are ready to start kindergarten,
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we know that the child living in poverty
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is likely to have cognitive scores that are, on average, 60 percent lower
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than those of the other child.
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Later on, that child living in poverty
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will be five times more likely to drop out of high school,
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and if she does graduate high school,
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she'll be less likely to earn a college degree.
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By the time those two kids are 35 years old,
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if the first child spent her entire childhood living in poverty,
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she is up to 75 times more likely to be poor herself.
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But it doesn't have to be that way.
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As a neuroscientist, one of things I find most exciting about the human brain
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is that our experiences change our brains.
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Now, this concept, known as neuroplasticity,
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means that these differences in children's brain structure
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don't doom a child to a life of low achievement.
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The brain is not destiny.
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And if a child's brain can be changed,
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then anything is possible.
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As a society, we spend billions of dollars each year, educating our children.
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So what can we tell schools, teachers and parents
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who want to help support kids from disadvantaged backgrounds
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to do their best in school and in life?
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Well, emerging science suggests
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that growing up in poverty is associated with a host of different experiences
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and that these experiences in turn may work together
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to help shape brain development and ultimately help kids learn.
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And so if this is right,
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it begs the question:
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Where along this pathway can we step in and provide help?
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So let's consider first intervening at the level of learning itself --
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most commonly through school-based initiatives.
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Now, should we be encouraging teachers to focus on the kinds of skills
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that disadvantaged kids are most likely to struggle with?
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Of course.
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The importance of high-quality education based in scientific evidence
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really can't be overstated.
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And there are a number of examples of excellent interventions
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targeting things like literacy or self-regulation
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that do in fact improve kids' cognitive development and their test scores.
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But as any intervention scientist doing this work would tell you,
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this work is challenging.
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It's hard to implement high-quality, evidence-based education.
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And it can be labor-intensive,
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it's sometimes costly.
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And in many cases, these disparities in child development emerge early --
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well before the start of formal schooling --
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sometimes when kids are just toddlers.
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And so I would argue:
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school is very important,
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but if we're focusing all of our policy efforts
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on formal schooling,
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we're probably starting too late.
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So what about taking a step back
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and focusing on trying to change children's experiences?
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What particular experiences are associated with growing up in poverty
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and might be able to be targeted to promote brain development
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and learning outcomes for kids?
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Of course, there are many, right?
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Nutrition, access to health care,
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exposure to second-hand smoke or lead,
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experience of stress or discrimination,
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to name a few.
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In my laboratory,
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we're particularly focused on a few types of experiences
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that we believe may be able to be targeted
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to promote children's brain development
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and ultimately improve their learning outcomes.
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As one example,
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take something I'll call the home language environment,
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by which I mean, we know that the number of words kids hear
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and the number of conversations they're engaged in every day
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can vary tremendously.
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By some estimates,
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kids from more advantaged backgrounds
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hear an average of 30 million more spoken words
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in the first few years of life
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compared to kids from less advantaged backgrounds.
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Now, in our work, we're finding
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that kids who experience more back-and-forth,
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responsive conversational turns
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tend to have a larger brain surface in parts of the brain
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that we know are responsible for language and reading skills.
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And in fact, the number of conversations they hear
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seems to matter a little bit more than the sheer number of words they hear.
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So one tantalizing possibility
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is that we should be teaching parents not just to talk a lot,
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but to actually have more conversations with their children.
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In this way, it's possible that we'll promote brain development
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and perhaps their kids' language and reading skills.
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And in fact, a number of scientists are testing
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that exciting possibility right now.
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But of course, we all know
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that growing up in poverty is associated with lots of different experiences
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beyond just how many conversations kids are having.
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So how do we choose what else to focus on?
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The list can be overwhelming.
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There are a number of high-quality interventions
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that do try to change children's experience,
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many of which are quite effective.
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But again, just like school-based initiatives,
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this is hard work.
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It can be challenging,
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it can be labor-intensive,
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sometimes costly ...
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and on occasion,
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it can be somewhat patronizing for scientists to swoop in
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and tell a family what they need to change in order for their child to succeed.
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So I want to share an idea with you.
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What if we tried to help young children in poverty
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by simply giving their families more money?
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I'm privileged to be working with a team of economists,
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social policy experts and neuroscientists
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in leading Baby's First Years,
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the first-ever randomized study
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to test whether poverty reduction causes changes in children's brain development.
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Now, the ambition of the study is large,
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but the premise is actually quite simple.
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In May of 2018,
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we began recruiting 1,000 mothers living below the federal poverty line
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shortly after they gave birth in a number of American hospitals.
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Upon enrolling in our study,
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all mothers receive an unconditional monthly cash gift
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for the first 40 months of their children's lives,
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and they're free to use this money however they like.
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But importantly, mothers are being randomized,
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so some mothers are randomized to receive a nominal monthly cash gift
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and others are randomized to receive several hundred dollars each month,
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an amount that we believe is large enough
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to make a difference in their day-to-day lives,
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in most cases increasing their monthly income by 20 to 25 percent.
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So in this way,
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we're hoping to finally move past questions
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of how poverty is correlated with child development
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and actually be able to test whether reducing poverty causes changes
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in children's cognitive, emotional and brain development
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in the first three years of life --
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the very time when we believe
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the developing brain may be most malleable to experience.
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Now, we won't have definitive results from this study for several years,
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and if nothing else,
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1,000 newborns and their moms will have a bit more cash each month
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that they tell us they very much need.
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But what if it turns out that a cost-effective way
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to help young children in poverty
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is to simply give their moms more money?
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If our hypotheses are borne out,
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it's our hope that results from this work will inform debates about social services
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that have the potential to effect millions of families with young children.
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Because while income may not be the only or even the most important factor
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in determining children's brain development,
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it may be one that,
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from a policy perspective,
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can be easily addressed.
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Put simply,
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if we can show that reducing poverty changes how children's brains develop
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and that leads to meaningful policy changes,
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then a young child born into poverty today
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may have a much better shot at a brighter future.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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