The path to ending systemic racism in the US

المترجم: omar idmassaoud المدقّق: Hani Eldalees

Chris Anderson: Hello, TED community,

كريس أندرسون: مرحبًا مجتمع TED،

welcome back for another live conversation.

أهلًا بكم مجددًا في محادثة مباشرة أخرى.

It's a big one today, as big as they get.

إنها محادثة كبيرة اليوم، كبيرة جدًا.

You know, when we created this "Build Back Better" series

تعلمون، عندما بدأنا سلسلة “إعادة بناء بشكل أفضل”

our thought was how could we address issues arising out of the pandemic,

كان فكرنا عن كيفية معالجة المشاكل الناتجة عن الوباء،

how could we imagine building back from that.

وعن كيفية إعادة البناء بشكل أفضل من ذلك.

But the events of this past week,

ولكن أحداث الأسبوع الماضي

the horrific death of George Floyd and the daily protests that have followed,

الموت المروع لجورج فلويد والاحتجاجات اليومية التي تبعت ذلك،

قدمت موضوعًا طارئًا

I mean, they provided a new urgency

which we, of course, simply have to address.

يتوجب علينا مناقشته بالطبع.

I mean, can we build back better from this?

أقصد هل يمكن ان نقوم بإعادة بناء هذا بشكل افضل؟

I think before we can even start to answer that question,

أظن أنه قبل أن نقوم بالإجابة على هذا السؤال

we just have to seek to understand the immensity of this moment.

علينا أن نحاول استيعاب ضخامة هذه اللحظة.

Whitney Pennington Rodgers: That's right, Chris.

ويتني بنينجتون رودجرز: هذا صحيح يا كريس.

Right now, so many people in the United States and beyond

حاليًا هناك الكثير من الناس في الولايات المتحدة وغيرها

are grappling with feelings of anger and frustration, deep, deep sadness

يصارعون بغضب وإحباط وحزن عميق

وعجز كبير.

and really helplessness.

No matter who you are,

أيًا من تكن

you have questions about what to do now,

فإن لديك أسئلة عما يجب فعله الآن،

عن كيفية تحسين الأمور.

how to make things better.

And as we've seen,

وكما رأينا

violence like this unfolds for many, many years.

عنف مثل هذا كان مطويًا لسنين عديدة.

What is the path forward?

ما هو طريقنا للتقدم؟

CA: So --

كريس: إذًا،

We're joined today by a group of activists,

ينضم إلينا اليوم مجموعة من النشطاء،

organizers and leaders

والمنظميين والقادة

known for their crucial work in social justice and civil rights.

المعروفين بعملهم الجاد في العدالة الاجتماعية والحقوق المدنية.

We're so grateful to have them here to engage in a discussion

نحن ممتنون للغاية لوجودهم ومشاركتهم

about racial injustice in America,

في هذا النقاش حول الظلم العنصري في أمريكا،

the unbearable acts of violence that we've --

وأعمال العنف غير المقبولة التي...

Acts of violence against the black community

أعمال العنف ضد أصحاب البشرة السوداء

that we've witnessed,

التي شهدناها جميعًا

the dangers to a nation riven by anger and fear.

أخطار أمة يمزقها الغضب والخوف.

And how on earth we can move forward from this

وكيف يمكننا التقدم

to something better.

نحو الأفضل.

So first, each of our four guests will share their thoughts

أولاً، سيشارك كل من ضيوفنا الأربعة أفكاره

on how we move forward from this moment.

حول كيفية التقدم بدءًا من هذه اللحظة.

And then we'll engage as a group,

بعد ذلك سوف نقوم بالنقاش كمجموعة،

including you, the TED community.

بما في ذلك أنتم، مجتمع TED،

WPR: And we'd like to thank our partner, the Project Management Institute.

ويتني: ونحب أن نشكر شريكنا، معهد إدارة المشاريع

Their generous support has helped make today's interviews possible,

الذي ساعدنا دعمهم السخي في جعل مقابلة اليوم ممكنة،

and of course, as Chris mentioned,

وبالطبع مثلما ذكر كريس سابقًا،

we want you to take part in the conversation,

نريدكم أن تقوموا بالمشاركة في المحادثة،

so please share your questions using our Ask a question feature

فمن فضلكم شاركونا أسئلتكم عن طريق خاصية “اسأل سؤال” الخاصة بنا

and continue to share your thoughts in the discussion thread.

وواصلوا مشاركة أفكاركم فى خانة النقاش.

CA: Thanks, Whitney.

كريس: شكرًا لك ويتني.

OK, let's get this moving.

حسنًا لنبدأ.

Our first guest.

ضيفنا الأول.

Dr. Phillip Atiba Goff is the founder and CEO

الدكتور فيليب أتيبا جوف هو المؤسس والرئيس التنفيذي

of the Center for Policing Equity.

لمركز ضبط حقوق الملكية.

They work with police departments across America, including in Minneapolis,

إنهم يعملون مع مراكز الشرطة في أمريكا بما فيهم مركز مينيابوليس،

to seek measurable responses to racial bias.

للبحث عن استجابات قابلة للقياس للتحيز العنصري.

Phil, I can scarcely imagine

بالكاد يمكنني تخيل

how the stress in the last week must have been for you.

حجم الضغط خلال الأسبوع الماضي بالنسبة لك يا فيل.

Welcome, and over to you for your opening comments.

أهلًا بك، ننتقل لتعليقاتك.

Phillip Atiba Goff: Thanks, Chris.

دكتور فيليب أتيبا جوف: شكرًا كريس.

Yeah, this week has been a gut punch

نعم هذا الأسبوع كان كاللكمة القوية

to anybody who felt like we could be making progress

لأي شخص شعر أنه يمكن أن نحرز تقدمًا

in the way that we put forward public safety that empowers

في الطريقة التي نقدم بها السلامة العامة

particularly vulnerable communities.

التي تمكن بشكل خاص المجتمعات الضعيفة.

We started working in Minneapolis about five years ago.

لقد بدأنا العمل في مينيابوليس منذ حوالي خمس سنوات.

At the time, it was, like most major cities in the United States,

في ذلك الوقت كانت -مثل معظم المدن في الولايات المتحدة-

a department that had a long history

إدارة لديها تاريخ طويل

of unaccounted for violence from law enforcement,

من المصير غير المعروف للعنف من قبل تطبيق القانون،

targeting the most vulnerable black communities.

واستهداف ذوي البشرة السوداء الأكثر ضعفًا.

And we tried to put into place a number of things that we know work.

وقد حاولنا تنفيذ بعض الأشياء التي نعلم أنها فعّالة.

Change the culture,

كتغيير الثقافة

بحيث تكون الثقافة العامة مسؤولة عن قيم المجتمع.

so that the culture can be accountable to the values of the community.

And what we saw was small but measurable progress.

وما شاهدناه كان تقدمًا صغيرًا ولكن يمكن قياسه.

We always knew,

ولطالما علمنا

with small and measurable progress,

أنه بهذا التقدم الصغير القابل للقياس،

that you're one tragic incident from going back to ground zero.

سنعود إلى نقطة الصفر بمجرد حدوث حادثة مأساوية واحدة فحسب.

But the events of the last week and a half

ولكن أحداث الأسبوع والنصف الماضي

haven't brought us back to ground zero,

لم تجعلنا نعود إلى نقطة الصفر وحسب،

they've torched ground zero, and we've dug a hole

بل وجعلتنا نعود إلى ما تحت الصفر

that we have to dig ourselves out of.

حيث جعلتنا مضطرين للتخلص من الوضع الذي نحن عليه.

What I hear from police chiefs who call me,

ما أسمعه من قادة الشرطة الذين يتصلون بي

from activists I talk to,

والنشطاء الذين أتحدث معهم

from folks in the communities that are literally on fire right now,

والأشخاص في المجتمعات التي تشتعل فعليًا في الوقت الحالي،

I hear folks saying, I had one activist say to me

قال لي أحد النشطاء

that the pain that he was feeling

بأن ما يشعر به من ألم

was too large to fit into his body.

هو أكبر من أن يتحمله جسده.

And without thinking about it, I said right back,

فأجبته دون تفكير:

"That's because it's too large to fit into a lifetime."

“هذا لأن ما تشعر به من ألم لا يتحمله من في الكون بأسره.”

What we're seeing isn't just the response to one gruesome,

ما نراه ليس مجرد رد فعل

cruel, public execution.

على إعدام عام شنيع ورهيب وقاسٍ.

A lynching.

بل إعدام خارج نطاق القانون.

It's not just the reaction to three of them:

ليس الأمر مجرد رد فعل على هؤلاء الثلاثة:

Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor

أحمد أربري وبريونا تيلور

and then George Floyd.

وجورج فلويد.

What we're seeing is the bill come due

ما نراه اليوم هو دفع لضرائب

for the unpaid debts that this country owes

تراكمت نتيجة ما على هذه البلاد من ديون

to its black residents.

تدينها لسكانها السود.

And it comes due usually every 20 to 30 years.

وعادة ما يتم استحقاقها كل 20 إلى 30 عامًا.

It was Ferguson just six years ago,

حدث هذا في فيرغسون قبل ست سنوات فحسب،

but about 30 years before that,

ولكن قبل ذلك بنحو 30 عامًا،

it was in the streets of Los Angeles,

حدث الأمر في شوارع لوس أنجلوس،

after the verdict that exonerated the police

بعد الحكم الذي برأ الشرطة

that beat Rodney King on video.

التي ضربت رودني كينغ في المقطع المرئي الذي انتشر.

It was Newark, it was Watts,

كان هذا في نيوآرك وواتس

it was Chicago, it was Tulsa,

وفي شيكاغو وتولسا

it was Chicago again.

وأعيدت الكرة في شيكاغو الآن.

If we don't take a full accounting of these debts that are owed,

وإذا لم نتلافى أضرار هذه الضرائب التي علينا،

then we're going to keep paying it.

سنبقى ندفعها للأبد.

Part of what I've been experiencing in the last week and a half,

جزء مما مررت به في الأسبوع والنصف الماضي،

and what I've been sharing with the people who do this work,

وما كنت أشاركه مع من يقومون بهذا العمل،

who are serious about it,

والذين يعملون بجد فيه،

is the acknowledgment,

هو الإقرار،

the soul-crushing reality

إن الواقع المضطهِد للروح

that at some point, when things stop being on fire,

الذي عندما تتوقف الأشياء عن الاضطراب،

the cameras are going to turn to something else.

سيعدل عنه الإعلام ويتجه لشيء آخر.

And the history that we have in this country

وتاريخ هذه البلاد

ليس بتاريخٍ وحشي

is not just a history of vicious neglect

and a targeted abuse of black communities,

ومليء بالإساءة تجاه المجتمعات السوداء فحسب،

it's also one where we lose our attention for it.

بل هو تاريخ فقدنا اهتمامنا به.

And what that means for communities like in Baton Rouge,

ويعني ذلك بالنسبة لمجتمعات مثل الذين في باتون روج

for those who still grieve Alton Sterling,

ولمن ما زال يرثي ألتون ستيرلينغ،

and in Baltimore, for those who are still grieving Freddie Gray,

وفريدي جراي في بالتيمور،

is that there is not just a chance, there's a likelihood

هو أنه ليس هناك مجرد فرصة بل هناك احتمال

that we are a month or two months out from this

أن نكون على بعد شهر أو شهرين من ذلك

with no more to show for it than what we had to show

مع عدم وجود المزيد لإظهاره أكثر مما كان علينا إظهاره

بعد مايكل براون جونيور.

after Michael Brown Jr.

And holding the weight of that,

وتحمل العبء المترتب علينا

individually and collectively,

-بشكل فردي وجماعي-

is just too much.

يتجاوز المعقول.

It's just too heavy a load

إنه لعبءٌ ثقيل للغاية

for a person or a people, or a generation to hold up.

ليتحمله أي شخص أو شعب أو جيل.

What we're seeing is the unrepentant sins,

ما نشهده اليوم هو الذنوب غير المغفورة،

the unpaid debts.

إنها الضرائب التي ترتبت علينا.

And so the solution can't just be that we fix policing.

وبالتالي لا يمكن أن يكون الحل هو أن نصلح عمل الشرطة.

It can't be only incremental reform.

لا يمكن أن يكون الحل عن طريق إصلاح تدريجي فحسب.

It can't be only systems of accountability

أو فقط عن طريق أنظمة المساءلة

للقبض على رجال الشرطة بعد قتلهم لشخص ما.

to catch cops after they've killed somebody.

Because there's no such thing as justice for George Floyd.

لأنه لا يوجد ما يسمى بالعدالة في قاموس جورج فلويد.

There's maybe accountability.

ربما يوجد مساءلة.

There's maybe some relief from the people who are still around, who loved him,

ربما يكون هناك بعض الراحة من الأشخاص من حوله والذين يحبونه

for his daughter who spoke out yesterday

تجاه ابنته التي تحدثت أمس

and said, "My Daddy changed the world."

وقالت: "غيّر أبي العالم بأسره."

There won't be justice for a man who's dead

لا يوجد ما يسمى بالعدالة في قاموس شخص ميت

when he didn't have to be.

مات في غير أوانه.

But we're not going to get to where we need to go

ولكننا لن نصل إلى ما نريد

just by reforming police.

فقط عن طريق إصلاح الشرطة.

So in addition to the work that CPE is known for with the data,

لهذا وبالإضافة إلى العمل الذي تُعرف به أجهزة العملاء الطرفية والمتعلق بالبيانات،

we have been encouraging departments and cities

كنا نشجع الإدارات والمدن

to take the money that should be going to invest in communities,

لأخذ الأموال التي يجب استثمارها في المجتمعات،

and take it from police budgets,

أخذها من ميزانية الشرطة،

bring it to the communities.

ومن ثم إحضارها للمجتمعات.

People ask, "Well, what could it possibly look like?

يسأل الناس: “حسنًا، كيف يمكن أن يبدو هذا؟

How could we imagine it?"

كيف يمكننا تخيل الأمر؟"

And I tell people,

وأخبرت الناس،

there is a place where we do this in the United States right now.

بأنه يوجد مكان نفعل فيه هذا tي الولايات المتحدة في الوقت الحالي.

We've all heard about it, whispered,

لقد سمعنا جميعًا عن ذلك وهمسنا به،

some of us have even been there, some of us live there.

حتى أن البعض منا كان هناك والبعض منا يعيش هناك.

The place is called the suburbs,

المكان المدعو بالضواحي،

where we already have enough resources

حيث لدينا بالفعل موارد كافية

to give to people,

لمنحها للناس،

so they don't need the police for public safety in the first place.

وبهذا لا يحتاجون الشرطة للحفاظ على السلامة العامة في المقام الأول.

If someone has a substance abuse issue, they can go to a clinic.

إذا كان لدى شخص ما مشكلة في تعاطي المخدرات يذهب إلى عيادة ما.

If somebody has a medical issue,

وإذا كان لدى شخص ما عارض صحي

they've got insurance, they can go to a hospital.

فلديه تأمين فيذهب إلى المستشفى.

If there's a domestic dispute, they have friends, they have support.

إذا وُجِد نزاع داخلي فيتدخل أصدقاء.

You don't need to enter a badge and a gun into it.

لست بحاجة إلى إدخال شارة وبندقية بين المتنازعين.

If we hadn't disinvested from all the public resources

لو توقفنا عن الاستثمار في كل الموارد العامة

that were available in communities that most needed those,

المتاحة في المجتمعات الأكثر حاجة لها

we wouldn't need police in the first place,

لم نكن لنحتاج الشرطة في المقام الأول،

and many have been arguing, even more loudly recently,

وقد كان يتجادل الكثير بشكل مكثف مؤخرًا،

that we don't.

لأننا لسنا كذلك.

If we would just take the money that we use to punish,

لو أمكننا فقط أخذ المال الذي يُستخدم في العقوبات،

and instead invest it

لكنا استثمرناه

in the promise and the genius of the community that could be there.

في العباقرة والواعدين بدلًا من ذلك.

So I don't know all the ways we're going to get there.

أنا لا أعرف كل الطرق التي من الممكن أن توصلنا لهذا.

I know it's going to take everything and.

وأعلم بأن الأمر سيتطلب الكثير.

It's going to need the kind of systemic change

سنحتاج إلى نوع من التغيير المنهجي

and the management tools that we traditionally offer.

بالإضافة إلى أدوات الإدارة التي نقدمها بشكل تقليدي.

It's also going to need a quantum change

والتي تحتاج لتغيير جذري

in the way that we think about public safety.

بإطار التفكير في السلامة العامة.

But mostly, this isn't just a policing problem.

ولكن لا تقتصر المشكلة بالشرطة فحسب.

This is the unpaid debts

هذه هي الديون غير المدفوعة

المستحقة للمجتمعات الأمريكية السوداء.

that are owed to black America.

The bill is coming due.

ديون مستحقة الدفع.

And we need to start getting an accounting together,

وعلينا البدء بتسديدها معًا،

so we're not just paying off the interest of the damn thing.

كي لا نضطر لدفع فائدة هذا الشيء اللعين.

WPR: Thank you, Phil.

ويتني: شكرًا يا فيل.

Rashad Robinson is the president of Color Of Change,

رشاد روبنسون هو رئيس مؤسسة كلر أوف تشينج،

a civil rights organization

إنها مؤسسة الحقوق المدنية

that advocates for racial justice for the black community.

التي تدافع عن العدالة العرقية لمجتمع السود.

To date, more than four million people have signed their petition

وقع حتى الآن أكثر من أربعة ملايين شخصًا على عريضة

to arrest the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd.

للقبض على الضباط المتورطين في مقتل جورج فلويد.

And of course, one was arrested last week.

واُعتقِل بالطبع أحدهم الأسبوع الماضي.

Thank you so much for being with us, Rashad, welcome.

شكرًا جزيلًا لوجودك معنا رشاد أهلًا وسهلًا.

Rashad Robinson: Thank you. And thank you for having me.

رشاد روبنسون: شكرًا. وشكرًا لاستضافتي.

It's an opportunity that I'm taking today

إنها فرصة أستغلها اليوم

to just tell you about how you can get involved.

لأخبرك كيف يمكنك المشاركة فحسب.

How you can take action,

كيف يمكنك اتخاذ الإجراءات،

because right now, strategic action is critical

لأنه في الوقت الحالي يعد العمل الاستراتيجي أمرًا بالغ الأهمية

for all of us to do the work to change the rules

لنا جميعًا للقيام بالعمل لتغيير القوانين

that far too often keep the systems in place

التي غالبًا ما تربط النظام

that hold us back.

وتجعلنا نتراجع.

Make no mistake,

ودون أدنى شك،

the criminal justice system is not broken.

لم يُعطَل نظام العدالة الجنائية.

It is operating exactly the way it was designed.

بل إنه يعمل بالطريقة التي صُمِم بها بالضبط.

At every single level,

وعلى الدوام،

the criminal justice system is not about providing justice,

لا يقدم نظام العدالة الجنائية العدالة،

but about ensuring that certain people, certain communities are protected,

ويقدم الحماية لبعض الناس والمجتمعات

while other communities are violated.

بينما يترك باقي المجتمعات في خطر.

And so I wan to talk a little bit today about Color Of Change,

ولهذا أودّ الحديث قليلًا عن مؤسسة كلر أوف تشينج،

about activism, about the work that's happening on the ground

والأنشطة والعمل الذي يحدث

from other organizations all around the country,

في المنظمات الأخرى في جميع أنحاء البلاد،

and the way that you can channel this energy.

والطريقة التي يمكنك بها توجيه هذه الطاقة.

What we talk about at Color Of Change

ما تحدثنا به في مؤسستنا

is how do you channel presence into power.

هو كيفية توجيه الوجود إلى السلطة.

Far too often we mistake presence and visibility for power,

في كثير من الأحيان نخلط الوجود والرؤية بالقوة،

presence retweets the stories of the movement,

إعادة نشر التغريدات حول قصص الحركة،

people feeling passion about change

شعور الأشخاص بشغف تجاه التغيير

could sometimes make us feel like change is inevitable,

قد يجعلنا أحيانًا نشعر أن التغيير أمر لا مفر منه،

but power is actually the ability to change the rules.

لكن القوة في الواقع هي القادرة على تغيير القوانين.

And right now, every day, people are taking action,

ويتحرك الناس كل يوم،

and what we're trying to channel that energy into

ونحن نحاول توجيه هذه الطاقة

تجاه شيئين.

is a couple of things.

First is a whole set of demands at the federal level

الأول هو مجموعة كاملة من المطالب على المستوى الاتحادي

and at the local level.

وعلى المستوى المحلي.

As Phil described,

وكما وصف لنا فيل،

policing operates on many different channels.

تعمل الشرطة في العديد من المناطق المختلفة.

And what we need to recognize

وما نحتاج لتمييزه

is that while there are a lot of things that can happen at the federal level,

هو أنه بينما يحدث الكثير على المستوى الاتحاي،

locally all around the country

فإنه وبشكل محلي في جميع أنحاء البلاد

there are decisions that are being made in communities

تُتخَذ بعض القرارات في المجتمعات

around how policing is executed,

حول كيفية أداء الشرطة،

where community needs to hold a deeper level of accountability,

حيث يحتاج المجتمع لمستوى أعمق من المساءلة،

at the state level we need new laws.

وعلى مستوى الولاية نحتاج إلى قوانين جديدة.

So at Color Of Change,

لذا في مؤسسة كلر أوف تشينج،

we've built a whole platform around a set of demands

بنينا منصة كاملة تتمحور حول مجموعة من المطالب

and are working to build more energy

ونعمل على بناء هِمَم الناس

for everyday people to take action.

ليبدأوا التحرك.

We're fighting for justice

نحن نقاتل من أجل إنصاف

for Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd,

أحمد أربري وبريونا تايلور وجورج فلويد،

we're also fighting for justice

ونقاتل أيضًا من أجل إنصاف

for other folks whose names you haven't heard,

أولئك المظلومين غير المعروفة أسماءهم،

Nina Pop and others,

من أجل نينا بوب والآخرين،

whose stories of injustice

الذين مثلت قصصهم المليئة بالظلم

and the relationship to the criminal justice system

والعلاقة بنظام العدالة الجنائية

represent all the ways in which fighting right now is important.

جميع الطرق التي يكون القتال فيها مهمًا الآن.

Over the last couple of years,

وعلى مدى العامين الماضيين،

we have worked to build a movement,

لقد عملنا على بناء حركة ناشطة،

to hold district attorneys accountable

لمساءلة وكلاء نيابة في المقاطعة

and to change the role of district attorneys in our country.

ولتغيير دور وكلاء نيابة المقاطعات في بلادنا.

And through the Winning Justice platform at Color Of Change,

ومن خلال منصة وينينغ جستس في كلر أوف تشينج،

www.winningjustice.org,

www.winningjustice.org

what we have worked to do is channel the energy

وما عملنا من أجله هو توجيه الطاقة

of everyday people to take action.

الموجودة في الشعب لبدء التحرك.

So, for folks who are watching what's happening on TV,

ولهذا فإنه من أجل الناس التي تشاهد ما يحصل على التلفاز،

seeing it on their social media feeds

أو على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي لديهم

and are outraged about what's happening in Georgia,

ويشعرون بالغضب تجاه ما يحصل في جورجيا،

what's happening in Tennessee,

وما يحصل في تينيسي

what's happening in Minnesota,

ومينيسوتا،

you yourself, probably, most likely,

وهناك احتمال بأنك على الأغلب

live in a place, in a community

تعيش في مكان ضمن مجتمع

where you have a district attorney

حيث يوجد وكلاء نيابة المقاطعة

that will not hold police accountable,

لا يعرّضون الشرطة للمساءلة

that will not prosecute police when they harm, hurt black folks,

ولا يعاقبون الشرطة عندما تؤذي السود

when they violate the laws,

وتنتهك القوانين،

you live in a community

أنت تعيش في مجتمع

where police are part of the structure

حيث الشرطة هي جزء من الهيكل

that is racking up mass incarceration,

الذي يقوم باعتقال جماعي،

but many other aspects of our system

لكن العديد من الجوانب الأخرى لنظامنا

are racking up mass incarceration,

تؤدي إلى زيادة الاعتقال الجماعي،

and district attorneys are at the center of it.

ولا يحرك وكلاء نيابة المقاطعة ساكنًا.

You live in those communities and you need to do something about it.

نحن نعيش ضمن هذه المجتمعات ويجب علينا فعل شيء ما حيال الأمر.

And so at winningjustice.org,

وعلى هذه المنصة winningjustice.org

we've created the only searchable, national database

لقد أنشأنا قاعدة البيانات الوطنية الوحيدة والقابلة للبحث

on the 2,400 prosecutors around the country.

عن 2400 مدعٍ عام في جميع أنحاء البلاد.

We're building local squads and communities

نحن نبني فِرَق ومجتمعات محلية ليكون الناس

for folks to be able to engage around efforts that hold DAs accountable.

قادرين على المشاركة في الجهود التي تعرض وكلاء نيابة المقاطعة للمساءلة.

We've worked with our partners across the movement,

لقد عملنا مع شركائنا عبر نشاط،

من أصدقائنا العاملين على الحركة الناشطة تحت اسم حياة السود مهمة،

from our friends in Black Lives Matter,

to folks who do policy work,

للأشخاص الذين يقومون بعمل السياسة،

to our friends at local ACLU chapters around the country,

لأصدقائنا في الاتحاد الأمريكي للحريات المدنية في جميع أنحاء البلاد،

to build six demands.

لبناء ستة مطالب.

Six demands that folks can get behind in terms of pushing for reform,

ستة مطالب يمكن للناس أن يتخلفوا عنها فيما يتعلق بالضغط من أجل الإصلاح،

and then we've built public education material.

ثم قمنا ببناء مواد تعليمية عامة.

But the only way that we work to change the way

لكن الطريقة الوحيدة التي نعمل بها لتغيير الطريقة

that prosecution happens in this country

التي تتم بها الملاحقة القضائية في هذا البلد

is that if people get involved.

هي أن يتدخل الناس.

If people raise their voice,

إذا رفع الناس أصواتهم،

if people join us in pushing for real change.

وإذا انضم إلينا الناس في الضغط من أجل تغيير حقيقي.

At the end of the day, I want people to recognize though,

في نهاية اليوم، أريد أن يعرف الناس،

and Phillip talked a little bit about this,

وقد تحدث فيليب قليلًا عن هذا الأمر،

is that people don't experience issues, they experience life.

أن الناس لا يواجهون مشاكلهم، بل يختبرون الحياة.

That the forces that hold us back are deeply interrelated,

إن القوى التي تعيقنا مترابطة بشدة،

a racist criminal justice system

يتطلب نظام العدالة الجنائية العنصري

requires a racist media culture to survive,

وجود ثقافة إعلامية عنصرية من أجل البقاء،

a political inequality follows economic inequality,

يترتب على عدم المساواة السياسية نتائج مثل عدم المساواة الاقتصادية،

they all go hand in hand.

النتائج متتابعة.

And so I also want us to not take ourselves out of the equation.

ولهذا لا أريد أن نخرج أنفسنا من هذه المعادلة أيضًا.

من المحتمل أننا نعمل لدى شركات قد تنشر رموزًا

We likely work inside of corporations that may post symbols

for Black Lives Matter one day,

للحركة الناشطة "حياة السود مهمة"

and then support politicians that work to destroy Black Lives Matter

ومن ثم تدعم السياسيين الذين يعملون على تدمير حركة “حياة السود مهمة”

the next day.

بعدها مباشرة.

We oftentimes are engaged in practices inside of our companies

نحن -في كثير من الأحيان- منخرطون في ممارسات داخل شركاتنا

or in our daily lives supporting media properties and others

أو في حياتنا اليومية لدعم الوسائل الإعلامية وغيرها

that are harming our communities,

التي تضر بمجتمعاتنا،

are telling stories.

وتروي القصص.

Recently, we produced a report at Color Of Change

لقد أصدرنا مؤخرًا تقريرًا في كلر أوف تشينج

with the Norman Lear school at USC.

مع مدرسة نورمان لير في جامعة جنوب كاليفورنيا.

It's called "Normalizing Injustice,"

يسمى "تطبيع الظلم،"

and it can be found at changehollywood.org.

ويمكنكم إيجاده على هذا الموقع: changehollywood.org

And "Normalizing Injustice" looks at the 22 crime procedurals,

يسلط هذا التقرير الضوء على 22 من إجراءات الجريمة،

those crime shows on TV.

تلك الجرائم التي تظهر على التلفاز.

And looks at all of the ways

وينظر في كل الطرق

in which they, sort of, create a warped perception

التي يخلق بها الإعلام تصورًا مشوهًا نوعًا ما

about our view of justice.

حول نظرتنا لمفهوم العدالة.

They create sort of an incentive

إنهم يخلقون نوعًا من الحافز

for the type of policing we see on the country,

لحفظ النظام الذي نراه في البلاد،

and actually serve as a PR arm for law enforcement.

ويعملون في الواقع كذراع علاقات عامة لإنفاذ القانون.

We've been working in writers rooms around the country

لقد كنا نعمل في غرف الكتّاب في جميع أنحاء البلاد

to work to push folks to tell better stories,

على تحفيز الناس لرواية قصص أفضل،

but we need folks to be both active listeners,

لكننا نحتاج إلى أن يكون الأشخاص مستمعين نشطين،

and we need folks in the industry to push back

ونحتاج إلى أشخاص في هذا المجال

and challenge those,

لردع وتحدي

not only the structures that lead to that content coming on the air,

ليس فقط ما يؤدي إلى ظهور هذا المحتوى على الهواء،

but the proliferation across our airwaves.

بل لردع انتشاره عبر موجاتنا الهوائية أيضًا.

At the end of the day,

في نهاية اليوم،

we have an opportunity in this moment to make change.

لدينا فرصة في هذه اللحظة لإجراء تغيير.

Inflection points are those moments

نقاط الانعطاف هي تلك اللحظات

where we have an opportunity to make huge leaps forward,

التي لدينا فيها فرصة لتحقيق قفزات هائلة إلى الأمام،

or the real, real threat of falling backwards.

أو التهديد الحقيقي بالتراجع إلى الوراء.

In our hands is the ability to do some incredible things

في أيدينا القدرة على القيام ببعض الأشياء الرائعة

about undoing so many of the injustices

للتغلب على الكثير من المظالم

that have stood in the way of progress for far too long.

التي وقفت في طريق تقدمنا لفترة طويلة جدًا.

But everyday people must get involved.

ولكن يجب مشاركة العامة في هذا.

We must channel that presence into power,

يجب أن نحول هذا الوجود إلى قوة،

and we must build the type of power that changes the rules.

ويجب أن نبني نوع القوة التي تغير القوانين.

العنصرية من نواحٍ كثيرة

Racism in so many ways is like water

pouring over a floor with holes in it.

مثل الماء المتدفق على الأرض مع وجود حفر فيها.

Every single --

في كل...

In every single way, it will find the holes.

بكل الطرق، سوف تجد الثقوب.

And so for us,

وهكذا الأمر بالنسبة لنا،

we cannot simply accept

لا يمكننا ببساطة قبول

charitable solutions to structural problems,

حلول خيرية لمشاكل هيكلية،

but we actually have to work for structural change.

ولكن في الواقع علينا العمل من أجل التغيير الهيكلي.

And so I want to end by saying one thing about how we talk about black people

ولذا أريد أن أنهي حديثي بقول شيء واحد عن كيفية حديثنا عن السود

and how we talk about black communities in this moment.

وكيفية حديثنا عن مجتمعات السود في هذه اللحظة.

Because we have to say what we mean,

لأننا يجب أن نقول ما نعنيه،

and we have to build the narrative that gets us to where we want to go.

وعلينا بناء السيناريو الذي يقودنا إلى حيث نريد أن نذهب.

So far too often,

وكثيرًا ما تحدثنا،

we talk about black communities as vulnerable,

عن المجتمعات السوداء بصفة المجتمعات الضعيفة،

we talk about black people as vulnerable,

نتحدث عن السود على أنهم ضعفاء،

but vulnerability is a personal trait,

لكن الضعف هو سمة شخصية،

black communities have been under attack.

المجتمعات السوداء تتعرض للهجوم.

Black communities have been exploited, black communities have been targeted,

المجتمعات السوداء مستغلَة ومستهدَفة،

and we need to say that,

ونحن بحاجة لقول ذلك،

so we don't put the onus on fixing black families and communities,

حتى لا نضع العبء على إصلاح العائلات والمجتمعات السوداء،

but we put the onus on fixing the structures that have harmed us.

بل نضع العبء على إصلاح الهياكل التي أضرت بنا.

We will say things like,

سنقول أشياء مثل:

"Black people are less likely to get loans from banks,"

“إن نسبة حصول السود على القروض قليلة،”

instead of saying that banks are less likely

بدلاً من قول إن البنوك

to give loans to black people.

هي التي لا تمنح السود قروضًا.

This is our opportunity to build the type of progress

هذه فرصتنا لبناء تطور

that makes real change,

يحدِث التغيير المرجو،

and at the center of this story,

وفي قلب هذه القصة،

نحن بحاجة لإظهار

we need to show and elevate the images

not just of the pain that we are facing,

ليس فقط الألم الذي نواجهه

بل وإظهار الفرح والتألق والإبداع

but of the joy, the brilliance and the creativity

that black people have brought to this country.

الذي جلبه السود لهذه البلاد.

Black people are the protagonist of this story,

أبطال رواية هذه الأحداث هم السود،

and we need to make sure

ويجب أن نتأكد

that as we work to build a new tomorrow,

بأنه طالما فينا نفس لبناء المستقبل

we ensure that the heroes are at the center

يجب أن يكون أبطال الرواية

of the liberation that we all need.

في قلب الحرية التي نحتاجها جميعًا.

Thank you.

شكرًا لكم.

CA: Thank you, Rashad.

أندرسون: شكرًا لك رشاد.

Dr. Bernice King is the CEO of the King Center in Atlanta, Georgia.

الدكتورة برنيس كينغ هي الرئيسة التنفيذية لمركز كينغ في أتلانتا في جورجيا.

The center is a living memorial

المركز عبارة عن نصب تذكاري حي

لوالدها الدكتور مارتن لوثر كينغ جونيور.

to her father, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

It's dedicated to inspiring new generations

إنه مكرس لإلهام الأجيال الجديدة

to carry his work forward.

للمضي قدمًا في عمله.

In this moment, when so many are hurting,

في لحظات الألم الذي يتعرض له الكثير،

how can we better approach unity and collective healing?

كيف يمكننا التعامل بشكل أفضل مع الوحدة والشفاء الجماعي؟

Dr. King, over to you.

إليك الحديث دكتورة كينغ.

Bernice King: My heart is a little heavy right now,

برينس كينغ: قد خفّ الثقل عن قلبي بعض الشيء الآن،

because I was that six-year-old.

لأنني كنت تلك الفتاة بعمر السادسة.

I was five years old when my father was assassinated.

لقد كنت بعمر الخامسة عندما اُغتيل أبي.

And he did change the world.

وقد غير العالم بحقّ.

But the tragedy is that we didn't hear

ولكن تكمن المأساة

what he was saying to us as a prophet to this nation.

في عدم استماعنا لما كان يقوله منذِرًا لنا.

And his words are now reverberating back to us.

ويتردد صدى كلماته إلينا الآن.

Change, we all know, is necessary right now.

كلنا نعلم مدى أهمية التغيير اليوم.

And yet, it's not easy.

ومع ذلك فإنه ليس بالأمر السهل.

We know that there has to be changes in policing in this nation of ours.

نحن نعلم أنه يجب أن تكون هناك تغييرات في قوى حفظ الأمن في بلادنا هذه.

But I want to talk about America's choice

ولكن أود الكلام عن خيار أمريكا

at a greater level.

بمستويات أكبر.

The prophet said to us,

قال لنا النبي:

"We still have a choice today:

"لا يزال أمامنا خيار اليوم:

nonviolent coexistence,

إما التعايش بلا عنف

or violent coannihilation."

أو الغرق بالعنف."

What we have witnessed over the last eight days

ما شهدناه خلال الأيام الثمانية الماضية

has placed that choice before us.

وضع هذا الاختيار أمامنا.

We have seen literally in the streets of our nation

لقد رأينا في شوارع أمتنا

people who have been following the path of nonviolent protest,

أناسًا يسلكون طريق الاحتجاج السلمي،

and people who have been hell-bent on destruction.

وأشخاصًا عازمون على التدمير.

Those choices are now looking at us, and we have to make a choice.

تنظر هذه الخيارات إلينا الآن، وعلينا أن نختار.

The history of this nation was founded in violence.

تأسس تاريخ هذه الأمة على العنف.

In fact, my father said

وقال أبي في الحقيقة

America is the greatest purveyor of violence.

بأن أمريكا هي أكبر ممول للعنف.

And the only way forward is if we repent

والطريق الوحيد للمضي قدمًا هو طلب المغفرة

for being a nation built on violence.

لكوننا أمة مبنية على العنف.

And I'm not just talking about physical violence.

ولا أختص بكلامي العنف الجسدي.

I'm talking about systemic violence,

بل أتحدث عن العنف المنهجي أيضًا،

I'm talking about policy violence,

والعنف السياسي،

I'm talking about what he spoke of

أتحدث عما تحدث عنه

are the triple evils of poverty, racism and militarism.

من الشرور الثلاثية للفقر والعنصرية والعسكرية.

All violent.

جميع أنواع العنف.

Albert Einstein said something to us.

قال ألبرت آينشتاين لنا شيئًا.

He said we cannot solve problems

قال بأننا لا نستطيع حل المشاكل

on the same level of thinking in which they were created.

بمستوى التفكير الذي أنشأها.

And so if we are going to move forward,

ولهذا إذا أردنا المضي قدمًا،

we are going to have to deconstruct these systems of violence

سيتعين علينا تفكيك أنظمة العنف

that we have set in America.

التي وضعناها في أمريكا.

And we're going to have to reconstruct on another foundation.

وعلينا إعادة البناء على أساس آخر.

That foundation happens to be love and nonviolence.

وهو أساس الحب واللاعنف.

And so, as we move forward,

وبهذا وفي أثناء تقدمنا،

we can correct course if we make that choice

نصحح مساراتنا الخاطئة باتخاذ القرار

that Daddy said, nonviolent coexistence.

الذي أسماه والدي بالتعايش السلمي.

And not continue on the pathway of violent coannihilation.

دون الاستمرار في طريق العنف والإبادة.

So what does that look like?

إذن كيف يبدو الأمر؟

يبدو الأمر كالهدم

That looks like some deconstruction work

in order to get to the construction.

من أجل إعادة البناء.

We have to deconstruct our thinking.

علينا هدم أفكارنا القديمة.

We've got to deconstruct the way in which we see people

وهدم طرق تفكيرنا بالناس

and deconstruct the way in which we operate,

وهدم الطريقة التي نسيّر بها الأمور،

practice and engage and set policy.

عبر الممارسة والمشاركة ووضع السياسات.

And so I believe that there's a lot of heart,

لأنني أؤمن بوجود الكثير من العمل

h-e-a-r-t work to do,

الذي يتعين علينا القيام به بإتقان،

in the midst of all the h-a-r-d, hard work to do.

وإنجازه بجدّ حقيقي.

لأن العمل المتقن يحتاج لاجتهاد حقيقي.

Because heart work is hard work.

One of the things we have to do

وضمن ما يتوجب علينا فعله

is we have to ensure that everyone,

هو ضمان أن جميع الأطراف

especially my white brothers and sisters,

وخاصةً إخوتي وأخواتي أصحاب البشرة البيضاء،

have to engage in the heart work, the antiracism work,

يشاركون بإنجاز العمل الجاد في محاربة العنصرية،

in our hearts.

بإتقان.

No one is exempt from this,

لا أحد مستثنى من هذا،

especially in my white community.

خاصة في مجتمعي المليء بالبيض.

We must do that work in our hearts,

يجب أن نتقن قيامنا بهذا العمل،

the antiracism work.

والذي يتمثل بمحاربة العنصرية.

The second thing is

أما عن الشيء الثاني

that I encourage people

فهو أنني أشجع الناس

to look at the nonviolence training that we [have] at the King Center,

للنظر في تدريب اللاعنف الذي لدينا في كينغ سينتر،

thekingcenter.org

thekingcenter.org,

so that we learn the foundation of understanding

حتى نتعلم أساس فهم

our interrelatedness and interconnectedness.

ترابطنا وعلاقاتنا.

That we understand our loyalties and our commitments

أن نفهم بأن ولاءاتنا والتزاماتنا

and our policy-making

وصنع سياستنا

can no longer be devoted to one group of people,

لا يمكن تكريسها لمجموعة واحدة من الناس،

بل يجب تكريسها للصالح العام لجميع الناس.

but has to be devoted to the greater good of all people.

And so I'm inviting people to even join us

ولذا فإنني أدعو الناس للانضمام إلينا

on our own line of protest

في احتجاجنا

that's happening every night at seven o'clock pm

الذي يحدث كل ليلة في تمام الساعة السابعة مساءً

on the King Center Facebook page,

في صفحة الفيسبوك الخاصة بكنغ سينتر،

because so many people have things that they want to express

لأنه لدى الكثير من الناس أشياء التي يودّون التعبير عنها

and contribute to this.

والمساهمة في ذلك.

We all have to change and have to make a choice.

يتوجب على كل فرد منا التغيُّر واتخاذ قرارات.

It is a choice to change the direction that we have been going.

قرارات لتغيير مسارنا الخاطئ.

We need a revolution of values in this country.

نحن بحاجة إلى ثورة في القيم في هذا البلد.

That's what my Daddy said.

هذا ما قاله والدي.

He changed the world, he changed hearts,

لقد غير العالم، لقد غير قلوب كثيرة،

and now, what has happened over the last seven, eight years

وما حدث خلال السنوات السبع أو الثمانية الماضية

and through history,

وعبر التاريخ،

we have to change course.

يثبت بأن علينا تغيير مسارنا.

And we all have to participate in changing America

وعلينا جميعًا المشاركة في تغيير أمريكا

with the true revolution of values,

بثورة القيم الحقيقية،

where people are at the center,

حيث الناس أساسها،

and not profit.

وليست الأرباح.

Where morality is at the center,

والقيم الفاضلة أساسها،

and not our military might.

وليست قوتنا العسكرية.

America does have a choice.

تملك أمريكا خيارًا.

We can either choose to go down continually that path of destruction,

إما أن نختار الاستمرار في طريق الدمار،

or we can choose nonviolent coexistence.

أو يمكننا اختيار التعايش السلمي.

And as my mother said,

وكما قالت أمي،

لا نهاية للكفاح،

struggle is a never-ending process,

freedom is never really won.

والحرية لا تُكسب أبدًا.

You earn it and win it in every generation.

نحن نجنيها في كل جيل.

كل جيل مطالَب بالكفاح من أجل الحرية.

Every generation is called to this freedom struggle.

You as a person may want to exempt yourself,

أنت كشخص قد ترغب في إعفاء نفسك،

but every generation is called.

ولكن كل الأجيال مطالَبة.

And so I encourage corporations in America

ولذا أشجع الشركات في أمريكا

to start doing antiracism work within corporate America.

على البدء في القيام بأعمال محاربة للعنصرية داخل الشركات الأمريكية.

I encourage every industry to start doing antiracism work,

أشجع كل صناعة على البدء في القيام بأعمال مناهضة العنصرية،

and pick up the banner of understanding nonviolent change, personally,

والتقاط راية فهم التغيير السلمي شخصيًا،

and from a social change perspective.

ومن وجهة نظر مجتمعية.

We can do this.

نستطيع فعل ذلك.

We can make the right choice

يمكننا اتخاذ القرار الصحيح

to ultimately build the beloved community.

لبناء المجتمع المرغوب في نهاية المطاف.

Thank you.

شكرًا لكم.

WPR: Thank you, Dr. King.

ويتني: شكرًا لك دكتورة كينغ.

Anthony Romero is the executive director

أنتوني روميرو هو المدير التنفيذي

of American Civil Liberties Union.

لاتحاد الحريات المدنية الأمريكي.

As one of the nation's oldest social justice organizations,

باعتبارها من أقدم منظمات العدالة الاجتماعية في البلاد،

the ACLU has advocated for racial equality

دعا اتحاد الحريات المدنية الأمريكي إلى المساواة العرقية

and shown deep support to the black community

ولقد أظهر الكثير من الدعم لمجتمعات السود

in moments of crisis.

في قلب الأزمة.

And in moments like these,

وفي لحظات كهذه،

black voices are almost always the loudest

أصوات ذوي البشرة السوداء غالبًا ما ترجح

and at times the silence from our nonblack brothers and sisters

وبإمكان صمت إخواننا وأخواتنا غير السود

can feel deafening.

أن يصم الآذان.

How we can bring our allies into the mix,

كيف يمكننا إشراك من بصفنا في هذا المزيج،

to better support ending systemic violence and racism against the black communities,

لدعم أفضل لإنهاء العنف المنهجي والعنصرية ضد المجتمعات السوداء،

is a question top of mind for a lot of us.

إنه أهم سؤال يدور في أذهان الكثير منا.

Anthony, welcome to the show,

أهلًا بك في هذا العرض يا أنتوني،

and thank you so much for being with us.

وشكرًا جزيلًا لوجودك معنا.

Anthony Romero: Great.

أنتوني روميرو: رائع.

Thank you, thank you Whitney,

شكرًا لك ويتني،

thank you, Chris,

شكرًا لك كريس،

for inviting me to join this TED community.

لدعوتي للانضمام إلى مجتمع TED هذا.

I think community is really important right now.

أعتقد أن المجتمع مهم حقًا الآن.

With so many of us feeling trepidation,

مع شعور الكثير منا بالخوف

the weariness, the anger,

والإرهاق والغضب

the fear, the frustration,

والارتعاب والإحباط

the terrorism that we've experienced in our communities.

والإرهاب الذي شهدناه في مجتمعاتنا.

This is a time to huddle around a virtual campfire,

هذا هو الوقت المناسب للتجمع حول نار تخييم افتراضية،

with your posse, with your family,

مع جماعتك وعائلتك

with your loved ones, with your network.

ومع من تحب وشابكة الإنترنت.

It's not a time to be isolated or alone.

هذا ليس الوقت المناسب للعزلة والوحدة.

And I think for allies in this struggle,

وأعتقد أنه بالنسبة للحلفاء في هذا النضال،

those of us who don't live this experience every day,

أولئك منا الذين لا يعيشون هذه التجربة كل يوم،

it is time for us to lean in.

فقد حان الوقت لأن نتكاتف.

You can't change the channel,

لا يمكننا تغيير هذا المسار،

you can't tune out,

ولا ضبطه،

you can't say, "This is too hard."

ومن غير المسموح أن نقول: "هذا صعب للغاية."

It is not that hard for us to listen and learn and heed.

ليس من الصعب علينا الاستماع والتعلم وإبداء الاهتمام.

It is the only way we're going to build out of this,

إنها الطريقة الوحيدة للوقوف على أقدامنا،

by hearing the voices of Rashad, and Phil and Dr. King.

من خلال سماع أصوات رشاد وفيل ودكتورة كنغ.

By hearing the voices of our neighbors and loved ones,

من خلال سماع أصوات جيراننا وأحبائنا،

by hearing the voices on Twitter of people who we don't know.

من خلال سماع أصوات الأشخاص الذين لا نعرفهم على تويتر.

And so white communities and allied organizations

وبهذا فإن المجتمعات البيض والمنظمات الحلفية

need to pay even closer attention.

بحاجة إلى صبّ اهتمام أكبر.

إنه اختبار لشخصيتك.

This is the test of your character.

How willing are you to lean in and to engage.

لإظهار مدى رغبتك في المشاركة.

For me, I have --

بالنسبة لي...

These have been really hard couple of weeks.

كان هذان الأسبوعان صعبين للغاية.

I feel like this is really a test

أشعر بأن هذا اختبار حقيقي

of whether or not we really believe in the American experiment.

لمدى إيماننا بالتجربة الأمريكية.

Do we really believe it?

هل نؤمن بها حقًا؟

هل نؤمن حقًا بأننا من بين العديد من الدول،

Do we really believe that out of many, one,

a country with no unifying language,

دولة دون لغة موحّدة

no unifying culture,

ودون ثقافة موحّدة

no unifying religion,

أو ديانة موحّدة

can we really become one people?

سيتسنى لنا أن نكون دولة بشعب موحّد؟

All equal before the law?

الجميع سواسية أمام القانون؟

ومرتبطون بالإيمان بسيادة القانون؟

All bound together with a belief in the rule of law?

Do we really believe that

هل نؤمن بهذا حقًا

or do we just think it's a nice saying

أم أننا نرى بأنه قول جميل

to see on the back of a paper dollar?

نقرأه على الوجه الخلفي للدولار؟

And for me, this is a referendum on the American experiment.

وبالنسبة لي، هذا استفتاء على التجربة الأمريكية.

On whether we really believe,

لنعلم إذا ما كنا نؤمن بهذا حقًا،

and ...

أيضًا...

the future is in our hands.

المستقبل بين أيدينا.

وهذه ليست كأيّ أزمة،

And this is not like other crises,

I've been the head of the ACLU for almost 20 years,

لقد كنت رئيسًا لاتحاد الحريات المدنية لما يقارب 20 عامًا،

I feel like I've seen it all.

لقد شهدتُ جميعها.

This is different.

لكن هذه مختلفة.

And this is different because it is cumulative,

إنها مختلفة لأنها تراكمية،

like Phil and Rashad and Dr. King told us,

كما أخبرنا فيل ورشاد والدكتورة كنغ،

this is centuries of systemic discrimination,

هذه نتائج قرون من التمييز المنهجي،

وحان وقت تسديد الثمن.

and the bill has come due.

And it will continue to be due,

وسنستمر في تسديده،

and we will pay.

وسندفعه.

Unless we really do something quite different.

إلا إذا فعلنا شيئًا ما حيال الأمر.

I have been scratching my head at the ACLU for the last week.

لقد كنت أفكر بعمق في اتحاد الحريات المدنية الأسبوع الماضي.

We've been at this for 100 years.

عانينا من هذا الأمر لمدة 100 عام.

My organization has been working on this from its inception.

كانت منظمتي وما زالت تعمل على هذا الأمر منذ نشأتها.

In 1931, we were involved with this report about lawlessness in law enforcement.

في عام 1931، شاركنا في هذا التقرير حول الخروج عن القانون لتطبيق القانون.

That was our first report that we got behind in 1931.

كان هذا أول تقرير لنا في عام 1931.

We opened up our first door fronts after the riots in Watts,

فتحنا أولى أبوابنا بعد أعمال الشغب في واتس،

so that we can bring legal services and lawyers to the communities

حتى نتمكن من تقديم الخدمات القانونية والمحامين إلى المجتمعات

so they could demand justice from the police departments.

حتى يتمكنوا من المطالبة بالعدالة من أقسام الشرطة.

You know, we brought Miranda, you know,

ولقد ابتكرنا تحذير ميراندا،

the right to remain silent,

والذي ينص الاحتفاظ بحق الالتزام بالصمت،

and we brought Gideon, the right to a court-appointed attorney

وابتكرنا قانون جايدون الذي يمنح الحق بتعيين محامٍ من المحكمة

if you can't afford one.

في حال كانت التكاليف شاقة.

We fought Bloomberg on "stop-and-frisk,"

ولقد ناضلنا ضد السياسي بلومبرج بخصوص برنامج التوقف والاستجواب،

it took him years and he lost in front of our litigation

لقد استغرق منه الأمر سنوات ولكنه خسر القضية

to finally apologize.

واعتذر في الأخير.

We've been at this for 100 years.

نحن على هذا الحال منذ قرن.

And for the communities that have lived this for 400 years, God.

ويا إلهي كم كان هذا صعبًا على المجتمعات التي عانت من الأمر 400 سنة.

I've been scratching my head, thinking.

لقد كنت جالسًا أفكر بعمق.

It ain't working.

لا جدوى من هذا كله.

We don't need another pattern and practice lawsuit.

لسنا بحاجة إلى أساليب جديدة وتعلم ربح الدعاوى القضائية.

We don't need another training program

لا نحتاج لبرامج تدريبية

on racial bias or implicit bias in police departments,

بشأن التحيز العنصري أو التحيز الضمني في أقسام الشرطة،

لا نحتاج إلى رفع دعوى قضائية أخرى من أجل حصانة مؤهلة،

we don't need to file another lawsuit on qualified immunity,

we don't need to, kind of, bring another race discrimination

لسنا بحاجة إلى جلب تمييز عنصري آخر بطريقة غير مباشرة

or gender discrimination lawsuit

أو رفع دعوى التمييز بين الجنسين

to integrate the police department.

لدمج قسم الشرطة.

نعم، لقد فعلنا ذلك وسنواصل القيام بذلك.

Yeah, we've done that and we will continue to do that.

For me, where I've come,

أنا أرى

is that we need to defund the budgets of these police departments.

بأننا بحاجة لسحب الأموال من ميزانيات أقسام الشرطة هذه.

It's the only way we're going to take the power back.

إنها الطريقة الوحيدة لنقف على أقدامنا.

And the more I read over the last couple of weeks

وكلما قرأت أكثر خلال الأسبوعين الماضيين

about where this country is,

عن مكان هذا البلد،

the more I'm clear that that is my North star at the moment.

كلما أوضح ذلك أن هذا هو نجمي الشمالي في الوقت الحالي.

We will continue to bring the litigation on qualified immunity,

سنستمر في رفع الدعوى من أجل الحصانة المؤهلة،

we will do the efforts

سنبذل جهدنا

to hold unaccountable law enforcement officials accountable,

لمحاسبة مسؤولي إنفاذ القانون غير الخاضعين للمساءلة،

we will bring pattern and practice lawsuits,

سنرفع دعاوى قضائية

because the justice department is not doing that,

لأن وزارة العدل لا تفعل هذا،

so we will continue to do all that good work.

لذلك سنستمر في فعل هذه الأمور الجيدة.

But the real thing is, we're going to go after those budgets.

ولكننا في الحقيقة سنستمر بمراقبة هذه الميزانيات.

When you look at the fact

وبالنظر إلى حالنا،

that we spend 100 million dollars on policing,

نحن ننفق 100 مليون دولارًا لحفظ الأمن،

more than incarceration,

أكثر من السجن،

that the city of Minneapolis spent 30 percent of their budget

وتنفق مدينة مينيابوليس 30% من ميزانيتها

on policing.

على الشرطة.

The city of Oakland, 41 percent on policing.

أما اوكلاند، فتنفق 41%.

ينفق قسم شرطة مدينة نيويورك

That when you have New York City police department

spend more money on policing

على الشرطة

than it does on housing and preservation development,

أكثر مما ينفقه لتطوير الإسكان والمحافظة

community youth services, homelessness.

وخدمات الشباب المجتمعية والتشرد،

We're going after the money.

نحن نلاحق المال.

And that's hard-core advocacy.

يعتبر هذا حجة قوية في المحكمة.

Bills drop in local legislatures

انخفاض مشاريع القوانين في الهيئات التشريعية المحلية

to cut the funding for police,

وتخفيض تمويل الشرطة

to stop these programs

وإيقاف هذه البرامج

that give the federal military surplus

القائمة على منح الفائض العسكري الفيدرالي

to police departments,

لمراكز الشرطة

so they become, like, little mini armies,

ليصبحوا مثل وحدات جيش صغيرة

these don't look like police officers,

بحيث لا تبدو مؤلفة من ضباط الشرطة

these look like standing armies.

بل من جيوش دائمة.

And the enemy are communities of color.

والعدو عبارة عن مجتمعات غير البيض.

So we need to take away their toys.

ونحتاج لنزع ألعابهم من بين أيديهم.

We need to cut their budgets.

علينا تخفيض الميزانيات المنفقة عليهم.

We need to shrink the police infrastructure,

نحن بحاجة إلى تقليص البنية التحتية للشرطة،

so that we can get police out of the quotidian lives of people of color

بحيث نتمكن من إخراج الشرطة من حياة الأشخاص غير البيض

and communities of color.

ومجتمعات غير البيض.

The ubiquitousness of police enforcement

أجهزة الشرطة منتشرة في كل مكان

وبأماكن غير متعلقة بعمل الشرطة.

on things that the police do not have a role,

should not have a role to play.

لذا يجب وقف انتشارها.

People should not lose their lives

لا يجب أن يخسر الناس حياتهم

over whether or not a cigarette pack has a proper tax stamp,

بسبب ختم ضريبي على علبة سجائر

or whether a 20-dollar bill was forged or not.

أو بسبب فاتورة الـ20 دولارًا.

That's not worthy of spending our dollars on police.

هذا لا يشجعنا على إنفاق أموالنا من أجل الشرطة.

Get them out of that business,

لنجعلهم خارج نطاق هذه الأمور

let's focus on the most important and the most serious of crimes,

وليركزوا على الجرائم الخطيرة والكبيرة.

هذا ما يجب فعله.

and that's it.

That's it.

هذا ما يجب فعله.

لنجرّد المجتمعات من الشرطة

We're going to depolice our communities.

Shrink those budgets.

ولنخفض ميزانية الشرطة

We're going to reinvest those moneys in local communities,

ولننفق هذه الأموال في استثمارات المجتمعات المحلية

it will be like water on stone campaigns,

سيكون مثل الماء على الحملات الحجرية،

local legislatures,

الهيئات التشريعية المحلية،

local city counsels, lab report cards,

مستشاري المدن المحلية، بطاقات تقرير المختبر،

for people who talk out of both sides of their mouths and say,

للأشخاص الذين يقولون:

"We believe in police reform,"

"نحن نؤمن بإصلاح الشرطة"

and yet, they're still going to vote for 30 or 40 percent for the police?

ومع ذلك ما زالوا سيصوتون 30 أو 40 في المائة للشرطة؟

We're going to put that right to the public.

سنترك هذا للناس.

And I think we just have to stay at it,

وأعتقد أنه يجب علينا البقاء على موقفنا،

because I think that's the only way we can get at this in a different way.

لأنني أعتقد أن هذه هي الطريقة الوحيدة التي تمكننا من الوصول إلى هدفنا.

Because much of what we tried to do is just simply not working.

لأن ما قمنا به من محاولات لم ينجح معظمها.

You know, with that,

ولهذا

I struggle with, how do you find the optimism in this moment,

أعاني من عدم وجود التفاؤل في هذه الأوقات،

because you have to find the optimism.

لأنه يتوجب علينا التفاؤل.

You have to find the way

عليك إيجاد طريقة ما

to still think that even though on the face of so many setbacks,

تجعلك تعتقد بأنه ما زال التغيير واردًا

there's been change.

رغم كل ما يحصل.

It's been too little, too slow, not enough.

إنه تغيير طفيف وبطيء وغير كافٍ.

We need to kind of, rock it, boost it.

علينا تعجيله والعمل عليه.

But you can't lose sight of the optimism.

علينا فعل هذا مع شعورنا بالتفاؤل.

And you know, I've been thinking about who are the folks inspiring me,

كنت أفكر بالأشخاص الذين ألهموني،

and Dr. King's father, of course,

ووالد الدكتورة كينغ بالطبع،

and the words of Rashad and Patrisse Cullors

وكلام رشاد وباتريس كولورز

and others have inspired me.

وبالآخرين الذين ألهموني.

But I find inspiration in the words of a scholar

لكنني أجد الإلهام في كلام الباحث سام هنتنغتون

I really don't like bringing up, Sam Huntington,

مع أنني لا أرغب في الحديث عنه

kind of often criticized as being a conservative, a racist.

لأنه غالبًا ما يتم انتقاده لكونه ضد التغيير وعنصريًا.

But sometimes you can find inspiration even in your enemy's words.

لكن في بعض الأحيان يمكنك أن تجد الإلهام حتى في كلام عدوك.

And in one of his books,

وفي أحد كتبه

which I pulled off the shelf I have,

التي أنزلتها من على الرف،

he writes about how America is a disappointment,

يكتب عن مدى تخييب أمريكا لآمالنا

because it failed to live up to its aspirations.

كونها فشلت في تحقيق تطلعاتنا.

And he actually started talking about, America is a failure

وتحدث عن فشل أمريكا

because it doesn't live up to its ideals.

لأنها لا ترقى إلى مستوى مُثُلها.

But it's not a failure, it's not a bunch of lies.

إن هذا ليس بفشل أو حفنة من الأكاذيب.

It's a disappointment.

إن هذا خيبة أمل.

And in the disappointment also is the fact that there's hope.

ومن اليأس ينبثق الأمل.

I'm paraphrasing it,

سأعيد صياغة الجملة،

but I think we have to kind of, wrap all of that together,

لكني أعتقد أنه يتعين علينا إنهاء كل ذلك معًا،

and think about the disappointment

والتفكير بخيبة الأمل هذه

and the hope and the resolve to do better.

والأمل والعزم على القيام بعمل أفضل.

And we need to listen and lean in,

ويتوجب علينا الإنصات لبعضنا والاعتماد على بعضنا البعض،

and I thank the TED community,

وأودّ شكر مجتمع TED،

I thank Dr. King, I thank Rashad, I thank Phil.

أشكر الدكتورة كنغ ورشاد وفيل.

Thank you.

شكرًا لكم.

CA: Wow.

أندرسون: يا إلهي.

Thank you to all four of you, that was astonishing.

شكراً لكم جميعًا، لقد كان ذلك مذهلًا.

I guess we're bringing everyone back now

سنتكلم جميعًا الآن

to have a conversation among us,

ونتبادل أطراف الحديث سويةً

to answer questions from our community,

ونجيب عن أسئلة مجتمعنا،

I hope you're entering those questions.

لذا أرجو منكم كتابة أسئلتكم.

So I don't know whether we can bring back our guests onto the screen at this point.

لذلك لا أعرف ما إذا كان بإمكاننا إعادة ضيوفنا إلى الشاشة في هذه المرحلة.

Welcome back.

أهلًا مجددًا.

Let me start with a question to you, Dr. King,

لنبدأ بسؤال لك دكتورة كينغ،

I was so inspired by what you said.

لقد ألهمني ما قلته للغاية.

Your father, of course, also deeply understood

كان والدك مستوعبًا بشكل كبير

the anger that leads to protest.

مدى ارتباط الغضب بالاحتجاجات.

I think he said that protests are the language of the unheard.

أعتقد أنه قال أن الاحتجاجات هي لغة غير المسموعين أصواتهم.

And I'm wondering what you would say to someone right now

وأنا أتساءل عن رأيك

حول شخص أثاره الغضب بسبب ما يحدث،

who is angered beyond measure by what's happened,

and also sees this could be the moment, you know,

ويرى أيضًا أن هذه قد تكون اللحظة...

like, someone who believes the system is so fundamentally broken,

مثل شخص يعتقد أن النظام معطل بشكل أساسي،

يرى هذه ستكون اللحظة المناسبة لهدم هذا النظام،

that our best choice is to tear it down,

هذا في الواقع...

that that is actually --

This may be a once-in-a-generation moment to do that.

قد تكون هذه لحظة تحدث مرة واحدة في كل جيل

And so to actually believe that protest, including violent protest,

actually is the way right now.

What would you say to someone who felt that?

BK: First, I just wanted to make just a slight correction,

he said riots are the language of the unheard.

CA: I apologize, I apologize.

But that is the point even more powerfully, yeah.

BK: Yes.

Protest we must,

and we must continue to always protest,

to keep the issues in the awareness before people,

but you know,

when a person is angry, sometimes it's hard to reach them.

I've been on that journey,

I was at a stage of my life where I was so angry, I wanted to destroy,

and I'm the daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.,

and grew up in a household of love and nonviolence and forgiveness,

and I had to go through that journey

I was surrounded by the right kind of influences, fortunately.

Because that would have been a sad story.

But I think it's really

allowing ourselves to hear the anger

and allowing the space for the anger,

but also trying to help young people

rechannel that energy.

And we've got to start ensuring that we connect them

to some of the work that has been and now is elevated to another place.

Color Of Change, the work that you're doing,

the ACLU, the work that they're doing,

because sometimes,

there's this disconnection that intensifies the emotion

and makes you feel helpless.

But if you can channel that anger,

connect it with action that is toward creating

the social and economic change,

then it begins to build you up,

and then you can begin to become more constructive with the anger.

WPR: We have some questions that are coming in from our community,

but before we do that,

you all shared such powerful, meaningful statements right now,

and many of you touched on the fact that this is not the first time

that we're experiencing this.

The murder of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor,

this is one of --

these are three of many, many instances just like this,

and I'd love to hear you all address

was has, sort of, brought us to this boiling point,

what has contributed to this moment

where we're now experiencing things, Anthony, as you said,

that feels so much worse than other moments?

And that's it,

anyone who feels comfortable to take that question.

AR: Rashad, I want to hear you.

BK: I wanted to say something.

I think we've always been at that moment.

But this moment is different, because of the void in leadership.

There's no real moral voice in our country,

and the person who sits in the office of the presidency

is not, you know, leading in the right way.

And has kind of --

no, not kind of, has given license to certain things.

And so now it's,

you know, he's lit the fires.

WPR: Yeah.

RR: The thing I'll add ...

The thing I'll add here is, you know, a couple of things.

For the last couple of months,

we have been both seeing and experiencing

all of the ways that this country's decisions of underinvestment,

of targeting black communities,

has been killing black people through COVID.

And while we've been in our homes,

we have also been watching how the media has blamed us

as we have been the essential workers in so many places

and trying to ensure that this country keeps going.

We've watched white men with guns show up to capitols

demanding, basically, black and brown people go back to work.

And then we see this eight-minute video

with a police officer,

with his knee on someone's neck,

after seeing that video of Ahmaud Arbery

and hearing the story of Breonna Taylor,

and we see him looking in the camera,

basically knowing that America was not going to punish him.

And what I think it is is that it's just enough is enough,

that people didn't feel that they had a channel for that outrage,

and because people had been inside,

and because people had been experiencing

all the ways in which the structures had also been colluding to kill us,

that what we're seeing is alignment of all of those things,

where people are making demands

that are much bigger and much bolder than before.

And we recognize that while we don't have leadership at the federal level,

we also have to recognize that no political party

can say that they have been 100 percent,

neither political party can say

they've been 100 percent on the right side of all these issues.

And so people are mobilizing,

they are fighting back like never before,

and in some ways,

people are unwilling to accept answers like, "Just go vote,"

or, "Just participate in the process,"

because we recognize that black people have been voting,

black people have been part of voting,

and part of ensuring that.

And so that I think is why this moment feels so much different,

combined with, for the last seven years,

since Trayvon, we have seen the growth of a new movement

of activists and leaders all around the country,

who are also in a very different place

to be able to move the needle on so much of what's possible.

CA: We have a question here from Genesis Be.

If we can get that up here.

"Here in Mississippi, the police is synonymous with the Klan, historically.

How do we purge law enforcement of white supremacists?"

PAG: So I guess that's partially to me,

being the psychologist of bias.

I'll say that just yesterday

we had an officer in Denver who posted on social media

himself and two other officers

saying, "Let's go start a riot."

He was fired that day.

I worry about all the officers

that the FBI has now, for almost half a decade,

been warning us,

law enforcement and unions being infiltrated by white supremacists.

And all the officers that have social media accounts,

but they're private.

You know, the Invisible Institute has put some things forward.

We're not talking seriously about the domestic terrorism threat

that white supremacy represents.

So the first thing that we've got to do

is we've got to take it seriously.

We have to actually say out loud,

and I can't believe that on a day like today,

or a week like this week, I have to say out loud,

white supremacy is alive and well

and a driving force of American politics.

This shouldn't be controversial.

I shouldn't be looking forward to getting hate mail in my inbox for it,

but that's the reality.

So the first part of solving a problem

is acknowledging that it exists.

But the second thing is we need to arm municipalities,

that's law enforcement, but even more so communities,

with the ability to take action when someone violates their values.

Right now, I think about the case in Philadelphia

where Charles Ramsey, when he was a commissioner there,

fired six officers, right.

Concerns about racial bias and concerns about police brutality,

and those six officers were back on the same job

inside of three months.

We now have a law enforcement system

that says you can lose your job in one jurisdiction,

and get the same job as law enforcement

in another jurisdiction.

And without the national registry

and the capacity for law enforcement to make different decisions,

we're going to have this exact problem,

not just in Mississippi,

but in Minneapolis, and Louisville and New York and LA.

CA: Phil, how much of the problem

stems from the fact that police unions have a huge amount of power

to protect and sometimes reinstate so called bad apple officers?

PAG: Yeah, I'm getting this question a lot,

and police unions are one of the most labor forces

of the United States,

and are unique within the labor movement, right?

So it's police unions and teachers' unions are the two largest

and could not be two different groups of folks.

When I talk to union leadership,

that's the leadership what wants to talk to Dr. Blackenstein, right,

when I talk to union leadership, what they say is

no one hates a bad officer more than a good officer.

But the union contracts, the new negotiations,

don't look like that's true.

What they look like is anybody gets in trouble,

and the union's only job is to make sure whatever officer is in trouble,

gets to maintain their job.

The perverse incentive here

is that when people run for union leadership,

no one can run saying,

"These people shouldn't be in the union."

It's very hard to do that.

What you can run on is say,

"If this person didn't protect you enough,

I'll protect you even more.

The bigots? I'll protect even them."

So we have this perverse incentive

where union leadership ends up not really representing

the values even of the rest of the union members.

But they have massive, outsized negotiating power.

So yes, engaging with

and appropriate rightsizing of labor protections,

for folks whose jobs are difficult,

but who should not be protected from the basic values of human rights,

human dignity and public safety.

It's got to be part of the process.

I mean, when unions are negotiating a two-year ban on keeping of records,

so that there's no ability even to trace

what's happening in the state of California,

historically in terms of police misconduct,

that's not in the interest of public safety,

public legitimacy, or our democracy.

AR: Yeah, the thing I would add, Chris,

is that I think the labor union piece

is a critically important one to think through.

Because I think, like Phil said,

they are a key part of the puzzle that we have to solve for.

And you know, it's frustrating when you look at a place in Minneapolis,

and Phil knows better than I,

but when mayor Jacob Frey, the one who's on TV all the time,

saying many of the right things that you want an elected official to say

at times like this,

when he banned his police department from attending the "warrior training"

that was being offered,

it was the Minneapolis Police Federation,

local union that defied him

and sent their police to the training.

And so we need to really be clear that we need to have the police forces

under civilian control.

I know this sounds so elementary,

I feel like I'm talking about a Latin American,

kind of, totalitarian context,

but we need to exert civilian control of our police

in a way that we have yet not been able to think through,

and a key part of that is the labor unions of the police.

And there are moments when you can find common ground.

When we brought one of our COVID-related lawsuits

to deal with the outbreak of the pandemic in a Maryland jail,

we worked really hard,

I worked the phones with the head of police unions.

We got one of the local unions

to serve as plaintiff in our lawsuit.

Because we understood that the incarcerated folks

who were being denied access to masks, social distancing and the conditions

and lack of testing, and lack of PP,

that the people who were also going to be in harm's way

were going to be the guards as well.

And they were going to be the vectors,

communicating the disease out into the community.

So if you can find ways of bringing that relationship.

But make no mistake, when you go after their budgets,

and you start taking away kind of, their munitions,

and their seat at the budgeting table,

oh, are you going to have a battle on your hands, right?

And we have to think about also as we shrink the budgets for police,

how do we --

we deploy people in the police departments

to other meaningful jobs, right?

Because you can't just throw them out into the street, and say,

"You're on your own, you're homeless, good luck to you."

That's not a way to deal with redemption.

So we have to really think about all these pieces

in a much more cohesive way.

WPR: We have another question here from the audience.

From Paul Rucker:

"The end of summer of 1919

was followed by the Tulsa Race Massacre,

the Johnson-Reed Anti-Immigration Act of 1924,

and also the rise of the KKK.

Is there a possibility

that white supremacy will get stronger if we don't seize this opportunity?"

Rashad, I think this might be something

that would be great to hear your perspective on,

working so deeply in activism.

RR: I'm having a little trouble hearing.

WPR: Oh, I'm so sorry.

RR: No, it's OK.

CA: Can you read the question on the screen, Rashad?

RR: Oh, I heard that, I heard you.

WPR: Yes, I think it might just be my mic is having some issues here.

"Is there a possibility that white supremacy will get stronger

if we don't seize this opportunity."

Yes, absolutely yes.

You know, to be clear, right,

if we don't have the right diagnosis of white supremacy,

if we think of white supremacy as just hoods,

if we think of white supremacy as just folks

who are operating, you know,

with, you know --

in some of these underground networks that have grown,

if we're just thinking about white supremacy and white nationalism

as people who marched with tiki torches in Charlottesville,

then we will really mistake all the ways

in which our systems and structures have white supremacy embedded,

and allow for something like a Tulsa Race Massacre to happen,

something like anti-immigration to happen,

but on a day-to-day basis

allow for the targeting of black communities

through predatory practices by banks.

The targeting of black communities through predatory practices like bail.

A whole set of systems that can be produced day in and day out.

We live in a country where the rules

are far too often designed in ways that create a caste system,

that create a different standard for some over others,

and so when I talked about the inflection point, right,

of this moment where something could really go forward

and something could turn backwards,

we are seeing this right now with this current president.

And as we look at what could be happening with the next election,

we have to be very, very clear

that Donald Trump doesn't just operate on his own.

He's enabled by big corporations who benefit from him being in office,

and so continue to turn a blind eye to all the things that he does.

They may post "Black Lives Matter,"

but they show up to the White House and engage with Donald Trump.

And then we have a whole set of politicians

that may sometimes say that he said something that was wrong,

but then allow for --

but support his platform in other ways.

You know, true co-conspiracy

in the effort to dismantle white supremacy and white nationalism

is not a thing that people can do on vacation.

It is a 365-day project

of us constantly working to dismantle

all of the structures that have been put in harm's way.

The final thing I will just add,

because someone mentioned about police unions,

and I want to just add that one of the problems with police unions,

and many of us have been in this position, I think,

is that I have shown up to the table with police unions on many occasions.

I remember going to the White House during the last administration

and being around a table as we were talking

about policing and police reform.

And having members of the Fraternal Order of Police leadership

say things like,

"All of this talk of racial profiling is new to us."

It is one thing for folks to not agree with you

on the policy reforms necessary.

It is another thing for people to say that our demands are too aspirational.

It's another thing to be gaslit

and told the problem doesn't actually exist at all.

And that is what we are dealing with,

and so we have to actually change

the way that people see these institutions.

Politicians who say that they are on the side of justice and reform,

can no longer take money from police-only unions

and Fraternal Order of Police.

We actually have to create a new standard,

a new litmus test of what does it mean to actually be with us.

You can't just sing our songs,

use our hashtags and march in our marches,

if you are on the other end

of supporting the structures that put us in harm's way,

that literally kill us.

And this is the opportunity for white allies

to actually stand up in new ways.

To be the type of ally,

to do the type of allyship and the type of work

that truly dismantles structures,

not just provides charity.

PAG: And I've got to add to that --

so, Paul, thank you for the question,

but we're in a moment where people

are looking at what's happening on the street,

as if a week and a half ago

we weren't in a midst of a global pandemic

as the greatest news story, the biggest new story going on.

One of the things I'm most worried about,

and have been worried about since the beginning,

what I've been talking to our chiefs about, is say,

you must be out of the social distancing policing game.

You can't be the ones doing that, and the reason is this:

We're in a moment where creating scapegoats

and enemies and others

is incredibly politically advantageous for at least one side.

And there is deliberate efforts to do exactly that.

And we've seen that black communities

are two and three and four times more likely to contract this virus,

which feels like the manifestation of racial discrimination,

because it is.

But very soon,

that's going to look like black people made bad choices

and they need to stay away from us.

And when that happens,

that's when law enforcements get used to regulate where black movement can be.

We used to call it sundown towns,

I don't know what we're going to call it when it's around COVID.

But it's coming.

I'm already seeing that on communities like Nextdoor,

and on Facebook groups.

People who don't think of themselves as white supremacists

but just want the disease away,

and the disease has a black and brown face.

So we're not only dealing with a moment of generational tension,

between black communities and law enforcement,

we're dealing with a moment when people are looking for scapegoats,

and black people's vulnerability

has always been our greatest casting note

for being cast as scapegoats.

So for folks who are worried about this, this is not inevitably a moment

for change and reform and enlightenment and America's best values,

because historically,

these have been precisely the moments

when regression back to white supremacy has reigned supreme.

So let's not just look at everybody signaling.

I don't want to just see black and white cops on their knees,

I want to see the policies.

I want to see the things that will prevent

this kind of thing from moving to the next stage.

CA: Rashad, I want to respect the fact that you've got a hard stop at one.

And so I just want to thank you for your participation in this.

If you've got a couple of final words you want to share, that would be great,

and then if it's OK for the other three,

I think there's just a couple other questions I'd love to put

and continue this conversation for just a moment longer, if possible.

Rashad, any closing words?

RR: The thing I want to say is that now is the time for action.

And I want to invite people in

to join us at Color Of Change

to make justice real.

And in so many ways, you can visit us at Color Of Change,

you can take action.

Five, 10, 15 years from now,

we will be dealing with the impacts

of what we did or didn't do in this moment.

How we stood up and how hard we were willing to fight.

And as the other speakers have said,

now is not the time for reform around the edges,

now is time for dismantling the policies and practices that have held us back,

and championing solutions and new rules that will move us forward.

And so we hope that you will do something,

whether it's with us,

or whether it's with local organizations in your community,

or other groups around the country.

But this is an opportunity to make change,

and I believe that we can make justice real,

if we find the passion and the energy

to work together to achieve it.

So thank you all for having me,

and I hope that we have an opportunity

to build, not just online, but offline, in the months to come.

CA: Thanks so much, Rashad.

We're just going to ask this last question of you.

This one is from David Fenton.

"How can the movement unite

around a clear, simple platform of policies to enshrine in legislation?

Like making all complaints against cops public,

banning all choke holds,

ensuring independent review boards, etc.?"

WPR: That seems like a great place for you to chime in, Dr. King,

if you have some thoughts on that.

PAG: I think that was to go to you, Dr. King.

BK: Oh, OK.

You know, this may sound simplistic,

but it's a Nike thing,

I think we have to just do it,

we have to see our work as interconnected.

I think there's been efforts towards people working in that vein,

but we have to intensify that.

And in doing it,

one of the things that my father said,

and I know people sometimes get tired of hearing me say,

"My father said,"

but I just think,

I wish, should I say, we had really listened to him,

because we wouldn't be on this platform right now

having this type of conversation.

But he left something with us, sort of a blueprint

in "Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?",

his book, and he said,

going forward, the meddlesome task is to organize our strength

into compelling power.

And that is so key,

because oftentimes we organize merely around passion.

But people have certain areas of strength

and talent and giftedness,

and we've got to figure out how to build our coalitions

based on these strengths.

You know, people do different things well.

And so, in order to unite in an effective way

that they might not elude the demand that we're making,

I think that's what's going to happen.

People have to do their own personal assessment

within their organization, I call it a SWAT analysis.

And then that SWAT analysis has to happen across organizations,

so that we can make sure that we are moving in a united manner,

off of the strengths that each organization brings,

so that we can maximize the impact and the effectiveness

to do things like this,

in terms of getting the legislation in place that is needed in this hour.

CA: Thanks so much.

Just quick closing words from you, Anthony,

and then from you, Phil.

Anthony.

AR: You know, I would just say

that what gives me hope are the young folk.

You have to believe that among this group,

this groups of young'uns,

seeing what they're seeing,

living with this president, with these instincts,

seeing the continued indifference

that mainstream communities have given to issues of racial justice,

or economic justice,

you've got to believe that what comes out of this very hot fire,

is something even more powerful and strong than we've ever seen before.

That's what gets me through the hard days that we're now experiencing,

this thinking, there is another Dr. King among the young'uns, Dr. King.

And I have to believe that what they're seeing

and what they're witnessing

and their righteous indignation and their frustration and their anger

is going to be miraculously

a beautiful blossoming of a new opportunity, of a new change.

This generation will take us there, I have to believe that.

My generation has failed them miserably.

So I'm just looking forward to the new ones.

CA: Thank you, Anthony.

WPR: Phil. Thank you, Anthony.

PAG: So it really has been a privilege to be on with you all.

To David's question,

let me say that a number of civil rights organizations,

I believe the ACLU among them,

CPE, Center for Policing Equity,

and hundreds more have signed on to principles for legislation

that would include eight pillars.

It's been led by the Leadership Conference for Civil and Human Rights.

And it includes a federal ban on choke holds,

it includes a national registry for officers

who have engaged in misconduct.

I also think that it's important at this moment to get,

we've got law enforcement's chiefs of major cities willing to say,

if we emerge from this moment and our profession hasn't changed,

then we have failed again.

So it's a critical time to get behind,

I would direct you to LCCHR's website for the eight pillars,

because I won't remember them all right now,

and to start calling your local law enforcement,

and say, "Yes, own that."

You should be signing on,

they should be going public with letters that do all of that.

But I'll also say this.

For a path forward in the principles, I'll end where I started,

which is that this is bigger than policing.

These are the unpaid debts owed to black communities

for stolen labor,

owed to native communities for stolen land, for stolen culture,

for years taken away

and for lives lost in it.

This is bigger than policing.

If we don't understand the size of it,

then there's no solution that's really, truly proportional to the moment.

But in this moment,

when we're seeing trillion of dollars in bailouts, mostly for corporations,

it is absolutely a time when we can do things

that normally, people could pretend that's too much, it's too big, we can't.

We have literally all the money in the world

that can be spent and directed

towards making us the society we pretend to be,

before moments like this happen.

And so the thing that gives me hope

is that the lies have to be obvious now.

The lies have to be,

that was a reasonable use of force.

The lie has to be, we don't have the money.

The lie has to be, that's too hard, it's too big of a challenge.

This stuff feels impossible every day except today,

because the alternative is we lose everything.

Everything is at stake,

our democracy is at stake,

the people we choose to be, we claim to be,

that's at stake.

And in the face of that,

I think we can do impossible things.

I think we can be mighty.

So my hope for all of us is

first, that we wake up tomorrow with more peace in the evening than war,

and that we hold on to what's possible from this moment

at the same time that we hold on

to the size of the task in front of us.

I don't want to come with half measures out of this.

I don't want to come out with radicalized youth

and indifferent aged ...

I don't know what the contrast...

The radicalized youth

and indifferent people who are old like me.

I want to come out with a unified country

that understands that the costs that we owe are big,

and our pockets are deep enough to match it.

CA: Wow.

Thank you to each of you for extraordinary eloquence.

Really, so powerful.

This conversation, obviously, continues,

I know that there's many people listening,

you have other questions,

this, I think, from TED's point of view is just the start of the conversation.

To the extent that our job is to amplify the voices that matter,

we couldn't be prouder to be amplifying further

your extraordinary voices.

So thank you for being part of this today.

PAG: Thank you.

WPR: Thank you all.