The path to ending systemic racism in the US

校对人员: suya f.

克里斯·安德森: 大家好， TED 社区的朋友们，

欢迎回来，开启另一场连线对话。

今天的话题重大， 也引起了广泛关注。

Chris Anderson: Hello, TED community,

welcome back for another live conversation.

在我们录制“重塑”系列时，

我们在思考如何解决 疫情衍生的问题，

It's a big one today, as big as they get.

You know, when we created this "Build Back Better" series

设想怎样从疫情中重建。

our thought was how could we address issues arising out of the pandemic,

但过去一周的种种事件，

乔治·弗洛伊德的惨死 以及随之而来的日常抗议，

how could we imagine building back from that.

But the events of this past week,

凡此种种带来新的紧迫感，

the horrific death of George Floyd and the daily protests that have followed,

毫无疑问，当然必须解决。

我是指，我们能重建得更好吗？

I mean, they provided a new urgency

在我们回答这个问题之前，

which we, of course, simply have to address.

I mean, can we build back better from this?

我们只需了解这个事件的广泛影响。

I think before we can even start to answer that question,

惠特尼·朋灵顿·罗杰斯： 没错，克里斯。

目前，许多美国人和国土之外的人

we just have to seek to understand the immensity of this moment.

尽力克服悲愤交加的情感，

Whitney Pennington Rodgers: That's right, Chris.

以及绝望的无助感。

Right now, so many people in the United States and beyond

无论你是谁，

are grappling with feelings of anger and frustration, deep, deep sadness

你对现在要做什么，

以及如何让情况变好充满疑问。

and really helplessness.

目前据我们看来，

No matter who you are,

类似的暴力冲突，溯源至很久很久。

you have questions about what to do now,

路在何方呢？

how to make things better.

And as we've seen,

violence like this unfolds for many, many years.

CA：因此——

What is the path forward?

今天有几位活动家、

组织者和领袖加入我们，

CA: So --

他们均在社会平等和争取民权上 因所做的关键努力而享誉国内。

We're joined today by a group of activists,

十分荣幸邀请他们上线参与讨论，

organizers and leaders

探讨美国的种族不平等问题，

known for their crucial work in social justice and civil rights.

我们看到的不可容忍的暴力行为——

We're so grateful to have them here to engage in a discussion

我们已目睹的

about racial injustice in America,

针对黑人社区的暴力行为，

the unbearable acts of violence that we've --

愤怒和恐惧带来国家分裂的危险。

Acts of violence against the black community

以及究竟怎样才能 从目前境地继续前进

that we've witnessed,

达成更好结果。

the dangers to a nation riven by anger and fear.

首先，四位嘉宾将会分别分享他们

And how on earth we can move forward from this

从目前处境继续前进的思考。

to something better.

然后我们会分组讨论，

So first, each of our four guests will share their thoughts

也包括 TED 社区，包括你。

WPR:我们要感谢合作伙伴， 美国项目管理协会（PMI）。

on how we move forward from this moment.

And then we'll engage as a group,

是他们无私的支持 让今天的采访得以顺利进行，

including you, the TED community.

当然，如克里斯所说，

WPR: And we'd like to thank our partner, the Project Management Institute.

我们希望大家参与讨论，

请使用我们的“提问”功能提问

Their generous support has helped make today's interviews possible,

在讨论中继续分享你的思考。

and of course, as Chris mentioned,

we want you to take part in the conversation,

CA：谢谢惠特尼。

so please share your questions using our Ask a question feature

好，我们继续。

and continue to share your thoughts in the discussion thread.

我们的第一位嘉宾，

菲利普·阿提巴·高夫博士， 他是警务平权中心

CA: Thanks, Whitney.

OK, let's get this moving.

创始人和首席执行官。

Our first guest.

他们和包括明尼阿波利斯市在内 的全美的警察局合作，

Dr. Phillip Atiba Goff is the founder and CEO

of the Center for Policing Equity.

通过采取合理的措施， 应对种族偏见。

They work with police departments across America, including in Minneapolis,

菲尔, 我无法想象

过去一周你经受怎样的压力，

to seek measurable responses to racial bias.

欢迎，同时请您发表看法。

Phil, I can scarcely imagine

how the stress in the last week must have been for you.

菲尔·阿提巴·高夫: 谢谢，克里斯，

Welcome, and over to you for your opening comments.

本周，的确对那些感觉到

以我们提出公共安全法案， 赋能弱势社区的方式，

Phillip Atiba Goff: Thanks, Chris.

Yeah, this week has been a gut punch

我们能取得进展的人来说，

to anybody who felt like we could be making progress

确实是致命打击。

大概五年前，我们开始 在明尼阿波利斯市开展工作。

in the way that we put forward public safety that empowers

当时，和美国其他大城市一样，

particularly vulnerable communities.

明尼阿波利斯的警局部门有

We started working in Minneapolis about five years ago.

At the time, it was, like most major cities in the United States,

很长一段针对易受攻击的黑人社区

的无法解释的暴力执法史。

a department that had a long history

我们尝试实行一系列 证明可行的举措。

of unaccounted for violence from law enforcement,

targeting the most vulnerable black communities.

改变其中的文化因素，

从而让文化能塑造社区的价值观。

And we tried to put into place a number of things that we know work.

而我们观察到的 是微小但可测的进步。

Change the culture,

so that the culture can be accountable to the values of the community.

我们始终明白，

通过微小但可测的进步，

And what we saw was small but measurable progress.

一次悲剧事件， 能让我们回归正常。

We always knew,

但是一周半所发生的事件，

with small and measurable progress,

依然没有让我们重回正常，

that you're one tragic incident from going back to ground zero.

他们在混乱中点燃火把， 而我们挖开一个孔洞，

我们必须把自己刨出来。

But the events of the last week and a half

我听到警察局长叫我，

haven't brought us back to ground zero,

they've torched ground zero, and we've dug a hole

还听到来自和我交谈的活动家，

还有社区中的朋友们的消息， 此刻他们身陷囹圄，

that we have to dig ourselves out of.

What I hear from police chiefs who call me,

有一位活动家朋友告诉我，

from activists I talk to,

from folks in the communities that are literally on fire right now,

他感受到的痛苦，

让他的身体难以承受。

I hear folks saying, I had one activist say to me

我不假思索立马回话：

that the pain that he was feeling

“那是因为痛苦太大会持续终身。”

was too large to fit into his body.

我们所见并非是一例处决的反应，

And without thinking about it, I said right back,

"That's because it's too large to fit into a lifetime."

而处决本身恐怖、残酷且公开。

What we're seeing isn't just the response to one gruesome,

就是动用私刑。

不仅是对他们三人受害的反应：

cruel, public execution.

阿罕默德·阿柏雷、布瑞拉·泰勒

A lynching.

还有乔治·弗洛伊德。

It's not just the reaction to three of them:

我们所看到的是该法案到期，

Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor

我们的国家亏欠它的黑人公民

and then George Floyd.

的未偿之债，

What we're seeing is the bill come due

而这种欠债通常， 每 20 至 30 年会到期。

for the unpaid debts that this country owes

就在六年前，佛格森判决警察无罪。

是在此之前的 30 年前，

to its black residents.

在洛杉矶的街道上，

And it comes due usually every 20 to 30 years.

视频中警察暴力击打

It was Ferguson just six years ago,

罗德尼·金。

but about 30 years before that,

纽瓦克市，受害人是瓦特，

it was in the streets of Los Angeles,

芝加哥市，受害人是塔尔莎，

after the verdict that exonerated the police

这次又是芝加哥市。

that beat Rodney King on video.

It was Newark, it was Watts,

如果我们没有完全记录 那些欠下的债，

it was Chicago, it was Tulsa,

it was Chicago again.

我们就会一直这样偿还下去。

If we don't take a full accounting of these debts that are owed,

在过去一周半时间， 我经历的一部分，

以及我一直在同那些 严肃对待这件事

then we're going to keep paying it.

并做好它的人分享

确认的情况，

Part of what I've been experiencing in the last week and a half,

以及在某个时刻，事态停止扩大

and what I've been sharing with the people who do this work,

暴击灵魂的现实，

who are serious about it,

而镜头已转向关注其他事情。

is the acknowledgment,

the soul-crushing reality

而且在这个国家我们所经历的一切，

不仅是针对黑人社区

that at some point, when things stop being on fire,

the cameras are going to turn to something else.

的恶意忽略史和虐待史，

And the history that we have in this country

也是一段我们的忘却史。

is not just a history of vicious neglect

and a targeted abuse of black communities,

对像在巴吞鲁日市的社区，

it's also one where we lose our attention for it.

依然为阿尔顿·斯特林 悲伤的人， 意味着什么，

而在巴尔的摩，那些 依然为福瑞迪·格雷难过的人，

And what that means for communities like in Baton Rouge,

不仅有机会，还有可能

for those who still grieve Alton Sterling,

在一到两个月时间内

and in Baltimore, for those who are still grieving Freddie Gray,

除了小迈克尔·布朗遇害之后 表达伤心难过之情，

is that there is not just a chance, there's a likelihood

无需记挂他人表达悲痛。

that we are a month or two months out from this

无论重视与否，

with no more to show for it than what we had to show

after Michael Brown Jr.

无论是从个人还是组织层面来讲，

都承受太多。

And holding the weight of that,

对一个人、一个民族或一代人

individually and collectively,

都是不能承受之重。

is just too much.

It's just too heavy a load

我们所目睹的是不知悔改的恶行，

for a person or a people, or a generation to hold up.

是未偿的欠债。

那应对措施不仅局限于， 我们解决警察执法的问题。

What we're seeing is the unrepentant sins,

也不能停留在层出不穷的改革层面。

the unpaid debts.

也不仅是警察杀人之后 将其绳之以法的

And so the solution can't just be that we fix policing.

机构公信力问题。

It can't be only incremental reform.

因为不存在这种给予， 乔治·弗洛伊德正义的情况。

It can't be only systems of accountability

或许存在公信力问题。

to catch cops after they've killed somebody.

或许有来自其家人周围、 依然爱他的人们的援助，

Because there's no such thing as justice for George Floyd.

昨天他的女儿发声：

“我爸爸改变了世界”。

There's maybe accountability.

对死去的人，当他无需争取时，

There's maybe some relief from the people who are still around, who loved him,

没有什么正义可言。

只是改革警察机构，

for his daughter who spoke out yesterday

and said, "My Daddy changed the world."

我们是不会到达理应想要的目的。

There won't be justice for a man who's dead

就如客户前置设备（CPE） 可以处理数据，

when he didn't have to be.

But we're not going to get to where we need to go

我们支持政府部门和城市

just by reforming police.

拿出那些应该投入到社区的预算，

So in addition to the work that CPE is known for with the data,

we have been encouraging departments and cities

同时从警务预算中抽出一部分，

to take the money that should be going to invest in communities,

投入到社区建造中。

人们会问：”这会是怎样的景象？

我们要如何想象它？“

and take it from police budgets,

我告诉大家，

现在在美国有个地方， 我们就是这样做。

bring it to the communities.

People ask, "Well, what could it possibly look like?

我们都听说过并私下讨论过，

我们当中有些人甚至到过那里， 有些人住在那边。

How could we imagine it?"

And I tell people,

这个地方叫郊区，

there is a place where we do this in the United States right now.

那里拥有充足的资源

分配给当地的居民，

We've all heard about it, whispered,

因此他们无需警察力量 提供必要的安全保障。

some of us have even been there, some of us live there.

The place is called the suburbs,

如果有人有药物滥用问题， 是可以去诊疗机构的。

where we already have enough resources

如果有人有就医需求，

to give to people,

他们有医疗保险，可以去医院。

so they don't need the police for public safety in the first place.

如果发生家庭纠纷， 他们的朋友、亲人提供支持。

If someone has a substance abuse issue, they can go to a clinic.

不必叫来警察和武力介入。

If somebody has a medical issue,

如果我们投入所有的公共资源，

they've got insurance, they can go to a hospital.

If there's a domestic dispute, they have friends, they have support.

提供给迫切需要的社区，

You don't need to enter a badge and a gun into it.

我们绝无必要在第一时间 需要警察介入，

很多人一直在争论不休， 甚至近来更加激烈，

If we hadn't disinvested from all the public resources

说我们不需要警察介入。

that were available in communities that most needed those,

如果我们拿那些用于惩罚的资金，

we wouldn't need police in the first place,

and many have been arguing, even more loudly recently,

投入到承诺兑现中，

社区的优秀人才也能居留于此。

that we don't.

If we would just take the money that we use to punish,

我完全不知道 我们要达成目标的方法。

and instead invest it

我知道一切都会被拿走。

in the promise and the genius of the community that could be there.

我们将需要系统性变革，

同时需要一些通常提供的管理工具。

So I don't know all the ways we're going to get there.

I know it's going to take everything and.

与此同时也需要在公共安全方面

It's going to need the kind of systemic change

进行一场彻底的变革。

而最重要的是， 这不仅是一次警务问题，

and the management tools that we traditionally offer.

而是对美国黑人

It's also going to need a quantum change

in the way that we think about public safety.

欠下的未偿的债务。

But mostly, this isn't just a policing problem.

而账期即将到期。

This is the unpaid debts

不仅要为恶劣行径付出代价，

我们要开始算总账。

that are owed to black America.

The bill is coming due.

And we need to start getting an accounting together,

so we're not just paying off the interest of the damn thing.

WPR:谢谢，菲尔。

拉夏德·罗宾森是 一家民权机构

Color Of Change 的主席，

他为黑人社区争取种族平等。

WPR: Thank you, Phil.

截止目前，超过四百万人 在请愿书上签字

Rashad Robinson is the president of Color Of Change,

请求拘捕弗洛伊德遇害案中的警官。

a civil rights organization

that advocates for racial justice for the black community.

当然，上周有一人已被逮捕。

To date, more than four million people have signed their petition

拉夏德，感谢到来，欢迎你。

to arrest the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd.

拉夏德·罗宾逊：谢谢。 感谢你的邀请。

And of course, one was arrested last week.

Thank you so much for being with us, Rashad, welcome.

难得机会利用今天

告诉大家如果你参与进来。

Rashad Robinson: Thank you. And thank you for having me.

要怎样采取行动，

因为此刻，策略性行动非常重要，

It's an opportunity that I'm taking today

大家共同努力， 改变那些规则、条款，

to just tell you about how you can get involved.

How you can take action,

因为通常它们能 维持庞大系统正常运转，

because right now, strategic action is critical

却阻碍我们行动进展。

不要误解，

for all of us to do the work to change the rules

打击犯罪的司法体系依然存在。

that far too often keep the systems in place

也是按照构建的初衷在运转，

that hold us back.

Make no mistake,

the criminal justice system is not broken.

在每个单一层面，

It is operating exactly the way it was designed.

司法体系并不提供公平正义，

而是确保某些人群、 社区获得保护，

At every single level,

the criminal justice system is not about providing justice,

而其他的社区则会受到侵犯。

因此我想花点时间 谈一下 Color Of Change、

but about ensuring that certain people, certain communities are protected,

行动主义、全国的其他机构

while other communities are violated.

所采取的行动，

And so I wan to talk a little bit today about Color Of Change,

以及你可以贡献能力的方式。

在机构（COC）中，我们讨论的是

about activism, about the work that's happening on the ground

如何把“到场”转变“握权”。

from other organizations all around the country,

and the way that you can channel this energy.

通常我们误把 “到场”当做“掌权”，

What we talk about at Color Of Change

到场并转发了运动中的种种故事，

is how do you channel presence into power.

人们感觉到期待变革的热情

Far too often we mistake presence and visibility for power,

有时会让我们感觉到改变势不可挡，

presence retweets the stories of the movement,

然而当权者实际上有能力改变规则。

people feeling passion about change

现在，人们每天都采取行动，

could sometimes make us feel like change is inevitable,

而我们努力想将这种能量转化成

but power is actually the ability to change the rules.

多种形式。

首先，联邦层面和地方层面的

And right now, every day, people are taking action,

一整套要求。

and what we're trying to channel that energy into

正如菲尔所说，

执法在多个不同渠道进行。

is a couple of things.

First is a whole set of demands at the federal level

我们需要意识到

and at the local level.

在联邦层面、全国的地方各地，

As Phil described,

policing operates on many different channels.

会发生大量事件，

围绕执法如何开展，

And what we need to recognize

is that while there are a lot of things that can happen at the federal level,

会在社区中会做出大量决策部署，

locally all around the country

社区需要承担更深层的公信力责任，

there are decisions that are being made in communities

而在州政府层面， 我们需要出台新的法律条文。

因此在 COC ,

around how policing is executed,

围绕一整套要求 我们建立了一个平台，

where community needs to hold a deeper level of accountability,

想努力为人们日常的行动

at the state level we need new laws.

赋予更大能量。

So at Color Of Change,

我们为公平而战

we've built a whole platform around a set of demands

为阿罕默德·阿柏雷、

布瑞拉·泰勒 和乔治·弗洛伊德而战，

and are working to build more energy

我们为正义而战，

for everyday people to take action.

为那些没有听过名字的人们而战，

We're fighting for justice

妮娜·帕普和其他人，

for Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd,

以及他们有关正义的故事

we're also fighting for justice

以及与司法体系关系

for other folks whose names you haven't heard,

代表了各种正义斗争 重要性的各种途径。

Nina Pop and others,

whose stories of injustice

在过去的几年中，

and the relationship to the criminal justice system

我们已经在努力打造一种机制，

represent all the ways in which fighting right now is important.

确保区域代理制的可信度

并改变我们国家区域代理的角色。

Over the last couple of years,

we have worked to build a movement,

在 Color Of Change 通过”获取公平“平台，

to hold district attorneys accountable

www.winningjustice.org，

and to change the role of district attorneys in our country.

我们努力做到的是激发

人们的能量去采取行动。

And through the Winning Justice platform at Color Of Change,

对那些正通过电视上看新闻的人，

www.winningjustice.org,

以及在社交媒体上刷最新动态

what we have worked to do is channel the energy

并对发生在乔治亚和田纳西

of everyday people to take action.

So, for folks who are watching what's happening on TV,

以及明尼苏达的事件，

seeing it on their social media feeds

表示愤概，

and are outraged about what's happening in Georgia,

你自己，极有可能，

what's happening in Tennessee,

住在某个地方的某一社区

what's happening in Minnesota,

那里有区域代理

you yourself, probably, most likely,

却无法确保警察的可信度，

他们在警察伤害黑人族裔时， 或警察违反法律法规，

live in a place, in a community

where you have a district attorney

也不会起诉警察，

that will not hold police accountable,

你住在某个社区

那里的警察是治理结构的组成部分

that will not prosecute police when they harm, hurt black folks,

却带来大量的监禁，

when they violate the laws,

you live in a community

但治理体系的其他部分

where police are part of the structure

也会带来大量的拘捕，

that is racking up mass incarceration,

其中区域代理身处中心位置。

but many other aspects of our system

你居住在这样的社区之中， 需要用行动来改变现状。

are racking up mass incarceration,

因此在 winningjustice.org,

我们构建首家可搜索公诉人 全国数据库系统

and district attorneys are at the center of it.

有 2400 条信息。

You live in those communities and you need to do something about it.

而创建的当地社区小组

And so at winningjustice.org,

将助力大家参与到打造 区域代理可信度活动中。

we've created the only searchable, national database

on the 2,400 prosecutors around the country.

我们与合作伙伴 通力合作、全程参与，

We're building local squads and communities

从来自黑人社区事务的朋友，

for folks to be able to engage around efforts that hold DAs accountable.

到从事政策制度的伙伴，

以及在遍布全国的 公民自由联盟分会的朋友，

We've worked with our partners across the movement,

共同建立了六个需求。

from our friends in Black Lives Matter,

人们可以支持推进改革，

to folks who do policy work,

to our friends at local ACLU chapters around the country,

以及建立公共教育资源。

to build six demands.

但是要改变在国内提起诉讼

Six demands that folks can get behind in terms of pushing for reform,

状况的唯一方法

and then we've built public education material.

就是人们参与进来，

But the only way that we work to change the way

提高呼声，

如果大家加入我们推进真正的变革。

that prosecution happens in this country

最后，我希望人们意识到，

is that if people get involved.

If people raise their voice,

以及菲利普也有提到，

if people join us in pushing for real change.

人们并不是在经历问题， 而是在体验生命。

At the end of the day, I want people to recognize though,

而阻碍我们前进的力量互相牵连，

and Phillip talked a little bit about this,

种族犯罪司法体系，

is that people don't experience issues, they experience life.

需要种族主义媒体文化相伴而生，

政治不平等带来经济不平等，

That the forces that hold us back are deeply interrelated,

a racist criminal justice system

它们相互关联。

requires a racist media culture to survive,

因此我希望大家 不要让自己置身事外。

a political inequality follows economic inequality,

我们未来很可能在

they all go hand in hand.

And so I also want us to not take ourselves out of the equation.

贴出为黑人平权运动 标志的公司工作，

而第二天却支持政客们破坏

We likely work inside of corporations that may post symbols

黑人的平权运动。

我们通常会参与到公司内部

for Black Lives Matter one day,

and then support politicians that work to destroy Black Lives Matter

或日常生活中的媒体或者其他

the next day.

破坏社区的举动中，

We oftentimes are engaged in practices inside of our companies

就是通过讲故事。

or in our daily lives supporting media properties and others

最近，我们联合南加州大学

诺曼·李尔研究院 （Norman Lear school），

在 Color Of Change 上， 发布了一则报告。

that are harming our communities,

are telling stories.

叫做”不公平正常化“，

Recently, we produced a report at Color Of Change

可以在changehollywood.org.上找到。

with the Norman Lear school at USC.

”不公平正常化“ 指向 22 项犯罪条目，

It's called "Normalizing Injustice,"

这些犯罪审判会进行电视直播。

and it can be found at changehollywood.org.

在审视过所有的程序方式后，

他们带给我们对于公平的

And "Normalizing Injustice" looks at the 22 crime procedurals,

一种错觉。

those crime shows on TV.

他们给我们今天看到的 警务执法创造了

And looks at all of the ways

in which they, sort of, create a warped perception

某种激励机制，

实际上作为一种公关长臂 来贯彻、执行法律。

about our view of justice.

在全国范围内的作家中 我们一直在努力

They create sort of an incentive

for the type of policing we see on the country,

推动他们讲述更加动人的故事，

但我们需要大家成为 积极主动的聆听者，

and actually serve as a PR arm for law enforcement.

同时需要行业中的人们收回成见

We've been working in writers rooms around the country

to work to push folks to tell better stories,

并发出挑战，

不仅改变导致内容 石沉大海的体制结构，

but we need folks to be both active listeners,

and we need folks in the industry to push back

而且要变革遍及电视广播的渗透性。

and challenge those,

在一天工作结束后，

not only the structures that lead to that content coming on the air,

此时此刻我们有机会做出改变。

but the proliferation across our airwaves.

转折点就在于一些重要时刻

我们有机会做出大步跨越，

At the end of the day,

we have an opportunity in this moment to make change.

要么面临落后的危险。

Inflection points are those moments

where we have an opportunity to make huge leaps forward,

我们能做到的了不起的事

or the real, real threat of falling backwards.

就包括清除挡在我们前进路上

太多的不公平。

In our hands is the ability to do some incredible things

生活中的每天 都需要大家参与其中。

about undoing so many of the injustices

我们必须把这种参与感转化成力量，

that have stood in the way of progress for far too long.

提升改变规则的这种能力。

But everyday people must get involved.

We must channel that presence into power,

种族主义在很多方面上就像水

and we must build the type of power that changes the rules.

倒在有洞的地上。

每一天——

Racism in so many ways is like water

而在每一天，都会找到孔洞。

pouring over a floor with holes in it.

对我们而言，

我们不能简单粗暴地接受

Every single --

用慈善的方式解决结构性问题，

In every single way, it will find the holes.

我们必须寻求结构性变革。

And so for us,

通过说一件此刻我们如何谈论黑人、

we cannot simply accept

charitable solutions to structural problems,

讨论黑人社区的事 来结束今天的访谈。

but we actually have to work for structural change.

因为我必须说清楚我表达的意思，

And so I want to end by saying one thing about how we talk about black people

我们必须建立能带我们 到我们想要抵达之地的叙述方式。

and how we talk about black communities in this moment.

目前通常情况，

我们谈及黑人社区 就会涉及到它的脆弱性，

Because we have to say what we mean,

谈及黑人，脆弱性也不可避免，

and we have to build the narrative that gets us to where we want to go.

脆弱性是一种个人化特征，

然而黑人社区已经受到攻击。

So far too often,

而且黑人社区被利用并被当做目标，

we talk about black communities as vulnerable,

we talk about black people as vulnerable,

我们必须发声，

but vulnerability is a personal trait,

我们不负责解决 黑人家庭和社区的问题，

black communities have been under attack.

Black communities have been exploited, black communities have been targeted,

但我们有责任解决那些 伤害我们的体制结构的问题。

就像我们所说：

and we need to say that,

”黑人更少可能从银行获得贷款，“

so we don't put the onus on fixing black families and communities,

而不是说，银行更少可能

but we put the onus on fixing the structures that have harmed us.

给黑人发放贷款。

重建这种进步是我们的机会

We will say things like,

"Black people are less likely to get loans from banks,"

促进真正改变的发生，

instead of saying that banks are less likely

而这个故事的主题，

to give loans to black people.

我们想要展现和提升各种形象，

This is our opportunity to build the type of progress

不仅是我们面临的痛苦，

that makes real change,

而且有黑人兄弟们带给这个国家的

and at the center of this story,

欢声笑语、聪明才智和创造力。

we need to show and elevate the images

黑人兄弟是这个故事的主角，

not just of the pain that we are facing,

but of the joy, the brilliance and the creativity

我们需要确保

在我们努力建设全新明天时，

that black people have brought to this country.

我们要确保英雄们处在

Black people are the protagonist of this story,

我们都需要的自由的中心位置。

and we need to make sure

谢谢。

that as we work to build a new tomorrow,

we ensure that the heroes are at the center

CA:谢谢，拉夏德。

of the liberation that we all need.

波尼斯·金博士是 乔治亚州亚特兰大

Thank you.

的King Center 的首席执行官。

CA: Thank you, Rashad.

King Center 是她的父亲， 小马丁·路德·金博士

Dr. Bernice King is the CEO of the King Center in Atlanta, Georgia.

现存的纪念馆。

The center is a living memorial

致力于激励更多的新生代

to her father, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

将他的努力推向前进。

此刻，很多人遭受痛苦，

It's dedicated to inspiring new generations

我们如何能更好处理 团结一致和群体治疗？

to carry his work forward.

In this moment, when so many are hurting,

金博士，到你了。

how can we better approach unity and collective healing?

Dr. King, over to you.

波尼斯·金：此刻我的心情有些沉重，

因为我重回那个六岁孩子。

我父亲被刺杀时，我五岁。

Bernice King: My heart is a little heavy right now,

他确实改变了世界，

because I was that six-year-old.

但悲剧在于我们没有听见

I was five years old when my father was assassinated.

And he did change the world.

他对我们所说有关这个国家的预言。

But the tragedy is that we didn't hear

而他的话语此刻回荡在我们耳边。

what he was saying to us as a prophet to this nation.

我们都知道此刻变革的必要。

And his words are now reverberating back to us.

然而，知易行难。

Change, we all know, is necessary right now.

大家都知道，在我们国家 警务执法需要变革。

And yet, it's not easy.

但我们在更广水平上，

We know that there has to be changes in policing in this nation of ours.

讨论一下美国的选择。

语言告诉我们，

But I want to talk about America's choice

”今日我们依然有选择：

非暴力和平共处，

at a greater level.

或暴力残杀。“

The prophet said to us,

在过去的八天中我们目睹的一切

"We still have a choice today:

nonviolent coexistence,

将选择呈现在我们面前。

or violent coannihilation."

What we have witnessed over the last eight days

我们看到国内走上街头的人们

has placed that choice before us.

遵循了非暴力的抗议之路，

We have seen literally in the streets of our nation

还有决意破坏的一群人。

people who have been following the path of nonviolent protest,

那些选择摆在我们面前， 我们需要作出抉择，

and people who have been hell-bent on destruction.

这个国家的历史 是建立在暴力之上。

Those choices are now looking at us, and we have to make a choice.

事实上，我父亲说

美国是最伟大的暴力实施者。

The history of this nation was founded in violence.

前方唯一的选择是我们

In fact, my father said

America is the greatest purveyor of violence.

为建立在暴力之上的民族忏悔。

And the only way forward is if we repent

我们说的不仅至实际的暴力，

还有系统性暴力，

for being a nation built on violence.

有警务暴力，

还有我父亲所指的

And I'm not just talking about physical violence.

三重“罪恶”：贫穷、 种族主义和军国主义。

I'm talking about systemic violence,

I'm talking about policy violence,

都有暴力蕴含其中。

I'm talking about what he spoke of

are the triple evils of poverty, racism and militarism.

阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦告诉我们，

他说我们不能在问题发生层面

All violent.

思考解决问题。

Albert Einstein said something to us.

如果我们想往前行进，

He said we cannot solve problems

on the same level of thinking in which they were created.

我们需要瓦解这些我们在美国建立的

And so if we are going to move forward,

暴力体系。

同时我们要在另一个基础上重建。

we are going to have to deconstruct these systems of violence

that we have set in America.

那个基础恰好是爱和非暴力。

And we're going to have to reconstruct on another foundation.

随着工作向前推进，

That foundation happens to be love and nonviolence.

如果我们做出选择， 如父亲倡导，非暴力共处。

我们可以修正发展道路。

And so, as we move forward,

we can correct course if we make that choice

而不再继续暴力残杀的道路。

that Daddy said, nonviolent coexistence.

那么情况会变成怎样呢？

为了达成重建目标，

And not continue on the pathway of violent coannihilation.

就像要有破坏旧有秩序的工作。

我们需要颠覆固有思维，

So what does that look like?

That looks like some deconstruction work

必须颠覆我们看人的方法，

in order to get to the construction.

We have to deconstruct our thinking.

同时破除我们行动、

We've got to deconstruct the way in which we see people

实施、 参与和制定政策的方式。

and deconstruct the way in which we operate,

因此我相信需要大量投注心力，

practice and engage and set policy.

发自内心投入的工作要做，

也是所有困难工作中的一部分。

And so I believe that there's a lot of heart,

h-e-a-r-t work to do,

因为投入心力的工作极其困难，

in the midst of all the h-a-r-d, hard work to do.

有件我们必须要做的事情

那就是我们要确保每个人，

Because heart work is hard work.

尤其是我们的白人兄弟姐妹，

One of the things we have to do

is we have to ensure that everyone,

必须参与到这件投入心力工作中，

especially my white brothers and sisters,

发自内心投身于反种族主义的工作。

无人能置身事外，

have to engage in the heart work, the antiracism work,

尤其是我所在的白人社区。

in our hearts.

No one is exempt from this,

我们需要在内心认可这项工作，

especially in my white community.

反种族主义工作。

第二件事是

我鼓励大家

We must do that work in our hearts,

去参与在King Center 开展的非暴力培训，

the antiracism work.

网站 thekingcenter.org,

The second thing is

因此我们了解了理解的基础

that I encourage people

to look at the nonviolence training that we [have] at the King Center,

我们的关联性和密切联系。

thekingcenter.org,

我们理解到我们的忠诚

so that we learn the foundation of understanding

政策制定

our interrelatedness and interconnectedness.

不能再仅仅服务于一个群体，

That we understand our loyalties and our commitments

而必须服务于全体人民更大的福祉。

and our policy-making

can no longer be devoted to one group of people,

因此，我邀请大家加入

but has to be devoted to the greater good of all people.

我们抗议的战线：

每晚七点

King Center 的推特主页，

And so I'm inviting people to even join us

因为大量民众有他们要表达的意愿

on our own line of protest

that's happening every night at seven o'clock pm

并为此做出贡献。

我们都需要改变，并做出选择。

on the King Center Facebook page,

because so many people have things that they want to express

改变我们前进的方向 是个要做的选择。

and contribute to this.

We all have to change and have to make a choice.

It is a choice to change the direction that we have been going.

举国上下需要价值观的革命。

我的父亲也有号召。

We need a revolution of values in this country.

他改变了世界，改变了人心，

That's what my Daddy said.

现在，在过去的七、 八年里发生的事情，

He changed the world, he changed hearts,

而透过历史，

我们需要改变进程。

and now, what has happened over the last seven, eight years

我们都需要参与到 带着价值观真正的革命，

and through history,

we have to change course.

改变美国的进程中，

过程中人们居于中心位置，

And we all have to participate in changing America

而不是利益。

道德位居中心，

with the true revolution of values,

而不是军事力量。

where people are at the center,

美国是有选择的。

and not profit.

Where morality is at the center,

and not our military might.

我们要么选择继续下行的破坏之路，

America does have a choice.

要么选择非暴力的共存之路。

We can either choose to go down continually that path of destruction,

正如我母亲所讲，

挣扎永无止境，

or we can choose nonviolent coexistence.

自由也永远不可能到来。

每代人都要去争取并赢得自由。

And as my mother said,

struggle is a never-ending process,

每代人都被召唤为自由而战。

freedom is never really won.

你作为个人或许想置身事外，

You earn it and win it in every generation.

但每代人都受到召唤。

我呼吁美国境内企业

Every generation is called to this freedom struggle.

You as a person may want to exempt yourself,

在企业内部开展反种族主义活动。

but every generation is called.

And so I encourage corporations in America

并希望各行各业 开展反种族主义活动，

to start doing antiracism work within corporate America.

从个人和社会变革角度，

I encourage every industry to start doing antiracism work,

举起一面支持非暴力变革之旗。

and pick up the banner of understanding nonviolent change, personally,

我们能做到。

and from a social change perspective.

我们能为创建有爱社区

而做出正确选择。

We can do this.

We can make the right choice

谢谢。

to ultimately build the beloved community.

WPR:谢谢你，金博士。

安东尼·罗迈洛是美国民权联盟

Thank you.

执行总裁。

作为国内历史最为悠久的 社会平权机构之一，

WPR: Thank you, Dr. King.

美国民权联盟倡导种族平等

Anthony Romero is the executive director

并且在危机时刻，

of American Civil Liberties Union.

深入黑人社区提供支持。

As one of the nation's oldest social justice organizations,

这像在目前的严峻状况下，

黑人社区呼声几乎总是最高的

the ACLU has advocated for racial equality

甚至有时来自非黑人区 的兄弟姐妹们的沉默不语

and shown deep support to the black community

in moments of crisis.

And in moments like these,

让他们的呼声显得震耳欲聋。

black voices are almost always the loudest

and at times the silence from our nonblack brothers and sisters

如何让我们的同盟伙伴加入我们，

更有力支持结束针对黑人社区的 系统性暴力和种族主义。

can feel deafening.

How we can bring our allies into the mix,

是我们大多数人首要思考的问题。

安东尼，欢迎来到直播间，

to better support ending systemic violence and racism against the black communities,

非常感谢你的到来。

安东尼·罗迈洛：太棒了。

is a question top of mind for a lot of us.

谢谢你，惠特尼，

谢谢，克里斯，

Anthony, welcome to the show,

感谢邀请参与 TED 节目。

and thank you so much for being with us.

Anthony Romero: Great.

我觉得社区在此刻非常重要。

Thank you, thank you Whitney,

thank you, Chris,

为数众多的朋友感到惶恐不安，

for inviting me to join this TED community.

疲惫不堪、失望愤怒、

恐惧害怕、压抑沮丧，

I think community is really important right now.

我们的社区弥漫恐怖情绪。

With so many of us feeling trepidation,

趁此时机，和你的朋友、家人、

the weariness, the anger,

the fear, the frustration,

the terrorism that we've experienced in our communities.

爱人，还有你的社交熟人，

围坐在网络的”篝火“边。

This is a time to huddle around a virtual campfire,

而无需与世隔绝或让自己形单影只。

我觉得对于在这场战斗中的伙伴，

with your posse, with your family,

with your loved ones, with your network.

那些每日没有经历这种体验的人，

It's not a time to be isolated or alone.

是时候躬身入局。

And I think for allies in this struggle,

你无法改变沟通渠道，

those of us who don't live this experience every day,

无法置身事外，

it is time for us to lean in.

也不能说："这太难了。“

You can't change the channel,

倾听、了解和留心 并没有那么困难。

you can't tune out,

you can't say, "This is too hard."

聆听拉夏德、菲尔和金博士的观点，

是唯一让我们在此基础上 有所思考和启发的方式。

It is not that hard for us to listen and learn and heed.

倾听邻居和所爱之人的想法，

It is the only way we're going to build out of this,

听取推特上我们不认识人的声音，

by hearing the voices of Rashad, and Phil and Dr. King.

因此白人社区和联盟的各个机构

By hearing the voices of our neighbors and loved ones,

需要更加密切关注他们。

by hearing the voices on Twitter of people who we don't know.

这是一种意愿的检测，

And so white communities and allied organizations

向前一步、参与其中 的意愿有多强烈。

need to pay even closer attention.

于我而言，我有——

This is the test of your character.

过去几周，情况是在太艰难了。

How willing are you to lean in and to engage.

我真正感到这是一次

For me, I have --

我们是否真的相信美国经验的考验。

These have been really hard couple of weeks.

我们真的相信吗？

I feel like this is really a test

我们真的相信，众里归一，

of whether or not we really believe in the American experiment.

一个没有统一语言、

Do we really believe it?

统一文化、

统一宗教的国家，

Do we really believe that out of many, one,

我们真的能成为一个民族？

a country with no unifying language,

法律面前人人平等？

no unifying culture,

人人息息相关，信仰法制？

no unifying religion,

can we really become one people?

我们真的相信

或我们只是觉得这是 看在金钱之上的

All equal before the law?

表面文章？

All bound together with a belief in the rule of law?

于我而言，这是一项 美国经验的备忘录。

Do we really believe that

or do we just think it's a nice saying

to see on the back of a paper dollar?

有关是否我们真的相信，

以及......

And for me, this is a referendum on the American experiment.

我们手中的未来。

而且这次并不像其他危机，

On whether we really believe,

近 20 年来我一直担任 民权联盟的领导职务，

and ...

我感觉看到了全局。

the future is in our hands.

这次危机有所不同。

And this is not like other crises,

I've been the head of the ACLU for almost 20 years,

之所以不同，因为这次 具有累计效应，

I feel like I've seen it all.

正如菲尔、拉夏德和金博士所讲，

This is different.

这次事件是数世纪以来 系统性歧视的一次爆发，

And this is different because it is cumulative,

“账单”已经到期。

like Phil and Rashad and Dr. King told us,

而且将继续接近期限，

而我们需要为此买单。

this is centuries of systemic discrimination,

除非我们真正采取不同以往的措施。

过去一周，我在民权联盟 办公室绞尽脑汁。

and the bill has come due.

And it will continue to be due,

一百年来从未停止努力。

and we will pay.

我们的机构从成立之初便致力于此。

Unless we really do something quite different.

I have been scratching my head at the ACLU for the last week.

1931 年，法律实施后的 违法乱纪行为报告，我们参与其中。

We've been at this for 100 years.

My organization has been working on this from its inception.

那时是1931 年我们 给与支持的第一个报告。

In 1931, we were involved with this report about lawlessness in law enforcement.

在瓦特区发生暴乱之后， 我们开放了前厅，

That was our first report that we got behind in 1931.

方便将法律和律师服务 送给那些社区群体，

We opened up our first door fronts after the riots in Watts,

他们需要从警察局寻求公平对待。

我们为美兰达争取，

so that we can bring legal services and lawyers to the communities

保持沉默的权利，

so they could demand justice from the police departments.

为吉迪恩获得无力支付费用

而接受法庭指派代理的权利。

You know, we brought Miranda, you know,

我们和布隆伯格 就“盘查”展开较量，

the right to remain silent,

花费了他数年时间， 最终在诉讼上以失败

and we brought Gideon, the right to a court-appointed attorney

if you can't afford one.

并道歉收场。

We fought Bloomberg on "stop-and-frisk,"

我们已在此领域长达百年。

it took him years and he lost in front of our litigation

而对于那些已经存在 达 400 年的社区，天哪。

to finally apologize.

We've been at this for 100 years.

我已经为此思考，殚精竭虑。

And for the communities that have lived this for 400 years, God.

却行不通。

我们不需要另一套格式 或实操的法律诉讼。

不需要另一套有关种族歧视

I've been scratching my head, thinking.

训练项目或警察机构的潜在歧视，

It ain't working.

We don't need another pattern and practice lawsuit.

不需要另起炉灶 起草一项合格豁免权法案，

We don't need another training program

on racial bias or implicit bias in police departments,

不需要，把另一项种族歧视

或性别歧视起诉案

we don't need to file another lawsuit on qualified immunity,

追责至警察机构。

是的，我们已经在这样做， 而且会继续。

we don't need to, kind of, bring another race discrimination

站在我的立场，

or gender discrimination lawsuit

我们需要从这些警察部门抽调预算。

to integrate the police department.

Yeah, we've done that and we will continue to do that.

这是我们拿回权力的唯一方式。

For me, where I've come,

过去几周中，我阅读越多

is that we need to defund the budgets of these police departments.

有关国家所处位置，

It's the only way we're going to take the power back.

越加清楚此刻我的方向。

And the more I read over the last couple of weeks

我们将继续开展 合格的豁免权的诉讼，

about where this country is,

会尽最大努力

the more I'm clear that that is my North star at the moment.

让不可信执法官员变得可以信任，

We will continue to bring the litigation on qualified immunity,

由于司法部不会采取行动，

we will do the efforts

我们会提交格式和实操诉讼，

to hold unaccountable law enforcement officials accountable,

继续做所有有益的工作。

真正的焦点在于， 我们看到那些预算。

we will bring pattern and practice lawsuits,

你会看到

because the justice department is not doing that,

我们的警务支出 费用达 1 亿美金，

so we will continue to do all that good work.

超过羁押犯人支出费用，

But the real thing is, we're going to go after those budgets.

明尼阿波利斯市的预算 30%

When you look at the fact

that we spend 100 million dollars on policing,

用在警务支出。

more than incarceration,

奥克兰市， 警务支出占预算 41%。

that the city of Minneapolis spent 30 percent of their budget

纽约市警察局

on policing.

在警务支出上的花费多过

The city of Oakland, 41 percent on policing.

在住房和保持发展、

社区青少年服务、 居无定所人群 救助上的投入。

That when you have New York City police department

我们追踪花费去向。

spend more money on policing

than it does on housing and preservation development,

这项行动任重道远。

community youth services, homelessness.

权力下移至地方立法机关，

来削减警务开支，

We're going after the money.

终止那些

And that's hard-core advocacy.

提供联邦军事盈余

Bills drop in local legislatures

to cut the funding for police,

给警察机构的项目，

to stop these programs

以防他们变成小型的军队，

that give the federal military surplus

而不像警员，

他们更像“常备军”，

与黑人社区针锋相对。

to police departments,

因此我们要拿走他们的后援。

so they become, like, little mini armies,

削减他们的预算。

these don't look like police officers,

缩减他们的装备，

these look like standing armies.

And the enemy are communities of color.

从而让警力移出黑人的日常生活

So we need to take away their toys.

We need to cut their budgets.

以及居住社区。

We need to shrink the police infrastructure,

警察无权干涉、

so that we can get police out of the quotidian lives of people of color

也不应干涉的问题上，

暴力执法无处不在。

and communities of color.

在香烟盒上是否有合理的税票

The ubiquitousness of police enforcement

或 20 美金钞票 是否伪造问题上，

on things that the police do not have a role,

丢掉性命实属不该。

should not have a role to play.

People should not lose their lives

这样的警务不值得 花费纳税人的钱。

over whether or not a cigarette pack has a proper tax stamp,

让他们不要涉及这种事务，

去监管更加重要、严峻的犯罪，

or whether a 20-dollar bill was forged or not.

That's not worthy of spending our dollars on police.

这才是正事，

情况就是这样。

Get them out of that business,

我们要在我们社区去警务化。

let's focus on the most important and the most serious of crimes,

削减预算，

计划将这些金额再投入到当地社区，

and that's it.

That's it.

这将像“水滴石穿”的运动，

We're going to depolice our communities.

当地立法机构，

Shrink those budgets.

当地市议会、意见反馈卡，

We're going to reinvest those moneys in local communities,

让双方人士讲出心声：

it will be like water on stone campaigns,

“我相信警务改革”，

local legislatures,

然而，他们依然会为警务支出 投出 30% 或 40 %的预算？

local city counsels, lab report cards,

for people who talk out of both sides of their mouths and say,

我们要把这项权利归还大众。

我们只需静心等待，

"We believe in police reform,"

因为唯有如此，我们才能 以不同的方式取得进展。

and yet, they're still going to vote for 30 or 40 percent for the police?

很大原因在于

We're going to put that right to the public.

我们殚精竭虑 的努力，就是行不通。

And I think we just have to stay at it,

唯有如此，

because I think that's the only way we can get at this in a different way.

此刻我面临挣扎， 寻找获得乐观的方法

Because much of what we tried to do is just simply not working.

因为你必须找到那份乐观。

尽管面临诸多障碍

You know, with that,

I struggle with, how do you find the optimism in this moment,

你必须找到依然不断去思考的方法，

because you have to find the optimism.

变革已到来。

You have to find the way

虽然微小、缓慢，依然不够。

to still think that even though on the face of so many setbacks,

我们要，搅动它、推进它。

但不要看不到乐观前景。

there's been change.

你知道，我一直在思索 谁是激励我的人，

It's been too little, too slow, not enough.

We need to kind of, rock it, boost it.

当然，金博士的父亲，

But you can't lose sight of the optimism.

拉夏德和 帕璀斯·卡乐 （Patrisse Cullors）

And you know, I've been thinking about who are the folks inspiring me,

还有其他人的思考都激励了我。

而我在一位学者的言语中获得激励，

and Dr. King's father, of course,

我真的不想说出， 他就是山姆·汉庭顿

and the words of Rashad and Patrisse Cullors

经常被批评， 是一个保守 的种族主义者。

and others have inspired me.

But I find inspiration in the words of a scholar

但有时你甚至可以从 你的敌人言语中受到启发。

I really don't like bringing up, Sam Huntington,

而且在我从书架上拿下的

kind of often criticized as being a conservative, a racist.

他的一本著作中，

他写道 ”美国让人失望 是怎么一回事“，

But sometimes you can find inspiration even in your enemy's words.

And in one of his books,

因为美国没有实现梦想。

which I pulled off the shelf I have,

实际上他开始讨论美国的失败

he writes about how America is a disappointment,

because it failed to live up to its aspirations.

因为美国没有达成原先的理想。

但这并不是失败，不是一系列谎言，

And he actually started talking about, America is a failure

是让人失望的结局。

because it doesn't live up to its ideals.

而蕴藏在失望中的，实际上有希望。

But it's not a failure, it's not a bunch of lies.

我解释一下，

It's a disappointment.

但我觉得我们需要综合全局，

And in the disappointment also is the fact that there's hope.

思考这种失望局面

还有未来的希望， 以及做得更好的决心。

I'm paraphrasing it,

but I think we have to kind of, wrap all of that together,

我们需要倾听并躬身入局，

and think about the disappointment

同时感谢 TED 团队，

and the hope and the resolve to do better.

感谢金博士、拉夏德、菲尔。

And we need to listen and lean in,

谢谢。

and I thank the TED community,

I thank Dr. King, I thank Rashad, I thank Phil.

Thank you.

CA:哇。

感谢四位。震撼人心。

我想现在大家都同时在线

CA: Wow.

可以展开讨论，

Thank you to all four of you, that was astonishing.

回答平台社区的观众问题，

I guess we're bringing everyone back now

问题已经就绪了。

to have a conversation among us,

不知此刻能连线到 我们的嘉宾出现在屏幕前。

to answer questions from our community,

I hope you're entering those questions.

So I don't know whether we can bring back our guests onto the screen at this point.

欢迎回来。

让我先问金博士一个问题，

Welcome back.

你的一番看法我深受启发。

Let me start with a question to you, Dr. King,

你的父亲，当然深刻懂得

I was so inspired by what you said.

愤怒会带来抗议。

我认为他说过抗议是 被忽略群体的语言。

Your father, of course, also deeply understood

the anger that leads to protest.

我很想知道你会对那些此刻

I think he said that protests are the language of the unheard.

对已经发生的事件愤怒 到无以复加的人说些什么，

并觉得是时候了，

And I'm wondering what you would say to someone right now

who is angered beyond measure by what's happened,

就像有人觉得制度 已经从根本上失败，

and also sees this could be the moment, you know,

最好的选择就是打破它，

like, someone who believes the system is so fundamentally broken,

这实际上就是——

一代人才有一次的机会，

that our best choice is to tear it down,

真正相信抗议，包括暴力抗议，

that that is actually --

This may be a once-in-a-generation moment to do that.

实际就是现在的行动。

有如此感受的人， 你会对他们说些什么？

And so to actually believe that protest, including violent protest,

actually is the way right now.

BK: 首先，

我只想做一个 小小的更正，

What would you say to someone who felt that?

他说暴乱是被忽视群体的语言。

CA: 抱歉。

这是关键点，更加强有力。

BK: First, I just wanted to make just a slight correction,

he said riots are the language of the unheard.

BK:是的。

我们必须抗议，

CA: I apologize, I apologize.

我们必须继续一直抗议，

But that is the point even more powerfully, yeah.

在人们保持对问题的知晓，

BK: Yes.

Protest we must,

但是你知道，

and we must continue to always protest,

在人愤怒时，通常很难接收信息。

to keep the issues in the awareness before people,

我自己也曾经如此，

在生命的某个阶段， 极其愤怒，有破坏欲，

but you know,

when a person is angry, sometimes it's hard to reach them.

而我是小马丁·路德·金的女儿，

I've been on that journey,

成长在充满关爱、和善 和包容的家庭氛围中，

I was at a stage of my life where I was so angry, I wanted to destroy,

却必须经历这趟旅程，

and I'm the daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.,

很幸运，我周围有良好的氛围，

and grew up in a household of love and nonviolence and forgiveness,

否则原本将是一个悲伤的故事。

and I had to go through that journey

I was surrounded by the right kind of influences, fortunately.

但是我觉得真的要

允许自己听见内心愤怒

Because that would have been a sad story.

留出愤怒存在的空间，

But I think it's really

但同时尝试帮助年轻一代

allowing ourselves to hear the anger

and allowing the space for the anger,

换种渠道释放愤怒的能量。

but also trying to help young people

我们开始关注将他们

与已有而现在转移到别处 的工作连接起来。

rechannel that energy.

And we've got to start ensuring that we connect them

Color Of Change, 你们所做的工作，

to some of the work that has been and now is elevated to another place.

民权联盟，你们所做的努力，

因为有些时候，

这种隔离激化了情绪

Color Of Change, the work that you're doing,

the ACLU, the work that they're doing,

让你感到无助。

because sometimes,

但如果你能排解愤怒，

there's this disconnection that intensifies the emotion

与能够带来社会和经济变革

and makes you feel helpless.

的行动发生连接，

But if you can channel that anger,

connect it with action that is toward creating

随后行动开始塑造你，

接下来你就开始 更有建设性地应对愤怒。

the social and economic change,

then it begins to build you up,

WPR: 平台社区有提出一些问题，

and then you can begin to become more constructive with the anger.

在提问之前，

大家都分享了强有力、 有意义的思考，

有几位提到这不是第一次

WPR: We have some questions that are coming in from our community,

but before we do that,

我们经历这种状况的事实。

you all shared such powerful, meaningful statements right now,

谋害乔治·弗洛伊德、 阿罕默德·阿柏雷、布瑞拉·泰勒，

and many of you touched on the fact that this is not the first time

这是其中之一——

这是众多案例中的三个，

that we're experiencing this.

而我想听大家讲到

The murder of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor,

聚焦到一个关注点，

this is one of --

these are three of many, many instances just like this,

什么导致了这个时刻的到来

and I'd love to hear you all address

此刻我们经历种种情况， 安东尼，正如你所说，

感觉比其他事件更糟？

was has, sort of, brought us to this boiling point,

what has contributed to this moment

where we're now experiencing things, Anthony, as you said,

that feels so much worse than other moments?

这就是问题，

哪位愿意回答。

AR:拉夏德，听听你的看法。

BK:我有话说。

And that's it,

anyone who feels comfortable to take that question.

我觉得我们总会处在那种时刻。

但是这次有所不同， 因为领导力的缺乏。

AR: Rashad, I want to hear you.

BK: I wanted to say something.

I think we've always been at that moment.

国内没有真实的道德发声，

坐在总统位置的那位

But this moment is different, because of the void in leadership.

没有用正确方式领导。

There's no real moral voice in our country,

某种程度——

and the person who sits in the office of the presidency

不，没有给予某些事项许可。

is not, you know, leading in the right way.

现在事已至此，

And has kind of --

你知道的，他点燃了导火索。

no, not kind of, has given license to certain things.

WPR:是的。

And so now it's,

RP:我补充的......

you know, he's lit the fires.

这里我要补充几件事。

WPR: Yeah.

在过去数月，

RR: The thing I'll add ...

我们共同经历并目睹了

The thing I'll add here is, you know, a couple of things.

这个国家投入不足 的决策带来的一切，

For the last couple of months,

针对黑人社区，

we have been both seeing and experiencing

通过COVID正在杀死黑人。

all of the ways that this country's decisions of underinvestment,

然而我们都待在家中，

of targeting black communities,

has been killing black people through COVID.

而众多地方的一线工作者

尽力确保国家正常运转

And while we've been in our homes,

我们也一直看到媒体在批评我们。

we have also been watching how the media has blamed us

我们看到持枪的白人男性， 出现在国会大厦

as we have been the essential workers in so many places

and trying to ensure that this country keeps going.

基本上都是耀武扬威地驱赶 有色人种回去工作。

接着我们看到这个八分钟视频

We've watched white men with guns show up to capitols

有一位警官，

用膝盖压在某人脖子上，

demanding, basically, black and brown people go back to work.

在看了阿罕默德·阿柏雷的视频

And then we see this eight-minute video

以及听过布瑞拉·泰勒的故事，

with a police officer,

我们看到正看着镜头的他，

with his knee on someone's neck,

基本上知道国家不会惩罚他。

after seeing that video of Ahmaud Arbery

and hearing the story of Breonna Taylor,

我的想法是，这已经足够，

and we see him looking in the camera,

人们感觉到，他们的愤怒无处释放，

basically knowing that America was not going to punish him.

因为人们心中怒火燃烧，

And what I think it is is that it's just enough is enough,

因为人们正在经历

制度也在合谋 要杀死我们的所有一切，

that people didn't feel that they had a channel for that outrage,

and because people had been inside,

and because people had been experiencing

我们看到的是为调和这所有一切，

all the ways in which the structures had also been colluding to kill us,

人们提出了

比以往更高， 也更勇敢无畏的要求。

that what we're seeing is alignment of all of those things,

我们意识到这些， 而在国家层面，领导力堪忧，

where people are making demands

我们也必须意识到没有政党

that are much bigger and much bolder than before.

能完全确保，

And we recognize that while we don't have leadership at the federal level,

也没有政党敢说

we also have to recognize that no political party

他们在所有这些问题上 立场完全正确。

因此大家都行动起来了，

can say that they have been 100 percent,

从未如此去加入斗争，

neither political party can say

在某种程度，

they've been 100 percent on the right side of all these issues.

人们不愿意答复如“去投票呀，”

And so people are mobilizing,

或，“重在参与，“

they are fighting back like never before,

因为我们知道黑人参与了投票，

and in some ways,

黑人是投票群体的组成部分，

people are unwilling to accept answers like, "Just go vote,"

也是需要保障的部分群体。

因此我觉得那个瞬间如此不同

or, "Just participate in the process,"

because we recognize that black people have been voting,

有别于自崔温（Trayvon） 起过去的七年加在一起，

black people have been part of voting,

我们见证了全国的活动家和领导者

and part of ensuring that.

And so that I think is why this moment feels so much different,

发起运动的此起彼伏，

combined with, for the last seven years,

虽然身处各个地方

since Trayvon, we have seen the growth of a new movement

却把目标可能性向前继续推进。

of activists and leaders all around the country,

who are also in a very different place

CA:来自Genesis Be有个提问。

to be able to move the needle on so much of what's possible.

如何能看到问题打出来。

CA: We have a question here from Genesis Be.

”在密西西比区域， 警察就是 3K 党，由来已久。

If we can get that up here.

我们如何清除执法中的 白人种族优越论？“

"Here in Mississippi, the police is synonymous with the Klan, historically.

How do we purge law enforcement of white supremacists?"

PAG:我猜这个问题部分针对我，

偏见心理学家。

我说就在昨天

PAG: So I guess that's partially to me,

在丹佛有位警官在社交媒体上发帖

being the psychologist of bias.

伙同另两位警官

表示：”去发起暴动。“

I'll say that just yesterday

we had an officer in Denver who posted on social media

当天他被解雇。

himself and two other officers

我对所有警官表示担忧

saying, "Let's go start a riot."

将近有五年，直至此刻FBI

一直在警示我们，

He was fired that day.

执法部分和联邦均有 白人种族优越论者潜伏其中。

I worry about all the officers

that the FBI has now, for almost half a decade,

而且所有警官都有社交账号，

been warning us,

但是均属私人。

law enforcement and unions being infiltrated by white supremacists.

你也知道，隐形机构 已经把事态向前推进。

我们不是在严肃探讨 那些白人种族优越者所带来的

And all the officers that have social media accounts,

国内恐怖主义威胁。

but they're private.

You know, the Invisible Institute has put some things forward.

我们要做的首要事情

We're not talking seriously about the domestic terrorism threat

就是我们要严肃认真地对待它。

我们必须大声表达出来，

that white supremacy represents.

我不敢相信就像今天，

So the first thing that we've got to do

或就如本周，我必须大声发言，

is we've got to take it seriously.

白人种族优越论活跃且盛行

We have to actually say out loud,

以及美国政治的推动力。

and I can't believe that on a day like today,

or a week like this week, I have to say out loud,

这是无可辩驳的，

我本不期望邮箱中因此收到恐吓信，

white supremacy is alive and well

and a driving force of American politics.

但却收到了。

解决问题的首要一步

This shouldn't be controversial.

就是知晓情况的存在。

I shouldn't be looking forward to getting hate mail in my inbox for it,

但第二步则是我们需要 市政当局的执法，

but that's the reality.

即实施法制，当有人违法法规，

So the first part of solving a problem

更多这样的社区有能力采取措施。

is acknowledging that it exists.

But the second thing is we need to arm municipalities,

此刻，我想到在费城的这个案例

that's law enforcement, but even more so communities,

查尔斯·拉姆齐， 在他当政警察局长期间，

with the ability to take action when someone violates their values.

炒掉六个警察，对吧。

Right now, I think about the case in Philadelphia

种族歧视和警察暴力的关注，

where Charles Ramsey, when he was a commissioner there,

那六位警察在三个月内

fired six officers, right.

返回自己工作岗位。

现在我们拥有执法体系

Concerns about racial bias and concerns about police brutality,

规定你在一个司法系统丢掉工作，

and those six officers were back on the same job

可以在另一个司法体系中

inside of three months.

获得同样的执法的岗位。

We now have a law enforcement system

而且做不同选择的执法能力，

that says you can lose your job in one jurisdiction,

无需做全国性登记，

and get the same job as law enforcement

不仅是在密西西比地区，

in another jurisdiction.

我们同样面临这样的问题，

And without the national registry

比如有明尼阿波利斯、 路易斯安纳、纽约和洛杉矶。

and the capacity for law enforcement to make different decisions,

CA:菲尔，有多少问题

we're going to have this exact problem,

not just in Mississippi,

but in Minneapolis, and Louisville and New York and LA.

源自于警察工会拥有的巨大权力

CA: Phil, how much of the problem

去袒护甚至官复原职 那些所谓的”害群之马“警察？

stems from the fact that police unions have a huge amount of power

PAG:这个问题太常见，

to protect and sometimes reinstate so called bad apple officers?

警察工会是美国国内

最大的劳动组织，

在工人运动中的是很独特的，对吗？

PAG: Yeah, I'm getting this question a lot,

因此警察工会和教师工会 是两个最大型的组织

and police unions are one of the most labor forces

却不是两个截然不同的群体组织。

of the United States,

and are unique within the labor movement, right?

谈及工会领导力，

So it's police unions and teachers' unions are the two largest

想要谈及的是 布莱肯斯坦因 博士的领导力，对吗，

and could not be two different groups of folks.

工会领导力他们所讲的是

好警察比其他人更讨厌差劲的警察。

When I talk to union leadership,

that's the leadership what wants to talk to Dr. Blackenstein, right,

但工会章程，以及新的事项协商

完全不是那么回事。

when I talk to union leadership, what they say is

协商就像有人遇到麻烦，

no one hates a bad officer more than a good officer.

工会的唯一职责就是 确保遇到麻烦的警察，

But the union contracts, the new negotiations,

don't look like that's true.

可以保全他们的工作。

What they look like is anybody gets in trouble,

这里有违常理的激励

在于当人们竞选工会领导岗位，

and the union's only job is to make sure whatever officer is in trouble,

没有人竞选会说：

”这些人不应该加入工会。“

gets to maintain their job.

The perverse incentive here

很难做到。

你可以竞选说：

is that when people run for union leadership,

”如果这个人不能充分保护你，

no one can run saying,

我会更加周全保护你。

"These people shouldn't be in the union."

偏执者呢？我会保护他们。“

It's very hard to do that.

我们有这种有违常理的吸引力

What you can run on is say,

工会领导层最终不能真正代表

"If this person didn't protect you enough,

I'll protect you even more.

甚至其余工会成员的利益。

The bigots? I'll protect even them."

So we have this perverse incentive

但他们拥有强大的协商权。

where union leadership ends up not really representing

是的，参与其中

the values even of the rest of the union members.

并适当合理地为就业困难群体

But they have massive, outsized negotiating power.

提供工会保护，

So yes, engaging with

而不是那些基于人权、 自尊和公众安全，

and appropriate rightsizing of labor protections,

不应获得保护的人群。

for folks whose jobs are difficult,

这些应该涵盖在过程之中。

but who should not be protected from the basic values of human rights,

当工会商讨保存记录的两年禁令，

human dignity and public safety.

甚至无法追踪

It's got to be part of the process.

I mean, when unions are negotiating a two-year ban on keeping of records,

在加州曾发生的

警察执法失当行为，

这有违公众安全，

so that there's no ability even to trace

也不符合公众传统， 或我们的民主制度。

what's happening in the state of California,

AR: 是的，克里斯， 我想补充的是，

historically in terms of police misconduct,

我觉得工会联盟

that's not in the interest of public safety,

是需要思考的非常重要的部分。

public legitimacy, or our democracy.

就像菲尔所说，我觉得，

AR: Yeah, the thing I would add, Chris,

是我们要解决问题的重要一环。

is that I think the labor union piece

is a critically important one to think through.

当你看在明尼阿波利斯 的一个地方， 让人非常沮丧，

Because I think, like Phil said,

they are a key part of the puzzle that we have to solve for.

菲尔比我了解，

市长雅各布·弗雷一直出现电视中，

And you know, it's frustrating when you look at a place in Minneapolis,

表明那些你希望当选官员 表态的许多正确的事

and Phil knows better than I,

有时是这样的，

but when mayor Jacob Frey, the one who's on TV all the time,

当他禁止警察局参与提供的

saying many of the right things that you want an elected official to say

”武士训练“，

是当地的工会 明尼阿波利斯警察联合会，

at times like this,

when he banned his police department from attending the "warrior training"

否决他的决定，

并送他们的警察人员去接受培训。

that was being offered,

it was the Minneapolis Police Federation,

因此我们需要非常清楚 我们必须把警力

local union that defied him

控制权把持在政府手中。

and sent their police to the training.

我清楚这种提议 听起来非常简单基础，

感觉是在讨论拉丁裔美国人，

And so we need to really be clear that we need to have the police forces

under civilian control.

I know this sounds so elementary,

I feel like I'm talking about a Latin American,

kind of, totalitarian context,

but we need to exert civilian control of our police

in a way that we have yet not been able to think through,

and a key part of that is the labor unions of the police.

And there are moments when you can find common ground.

When we brought one of our COVID-related lawsuits

to deal with the outbreak of the pandemic in a Maryland jail,

we worked really hard,

I worked the phones with the head of police unions.

We got one of the local unions

to serve as plaintiff in our lawsuit.

Because we understood that the incarcerated folks

who were being denied access to masks, social distancing and the conditions

and lack of testing, and lack of PP,

that the people who were also going to be in harm's way

were going to be the guards as well.

And they were going to be the vectors,

communicating the disease out into the community.

So if you can find ways of bringing that relationship.

But make no mistake, when you go after their budgets,

and you start taking away kind of, their munitions,

and their seat at the budgeting table,

oh, are you going to have a battle on your hands, right?

And we have to think about also as we shrink the budgets for police,

how do we --

we deploy people in the police departments

to other meaningful jobs, right?

Because you can't just throw them out into the street, and say,

"You're on your own, you're homeless, good luck to you."

That's not a way to deal with redemption.

So we have to really think about all these pieces

in a much more cohesive way.

WPR: We have another question here from the audience.

From Paul Rucker:

"The end of summer of 1919

was followed by the Tulsa Race Massacre,

the Johnson-Reed Anti-Immigration Act of 1924,

and also the rise of the KKK.

Is there a possibility

that white supremacy will get stronger if we don't seize this opportunity?"

Rashad, I think this might be something

that would be great to hear your perspective on,

working so deeply in activism.

RR: I'm having a little trouble hearing.

WPR: Oh, I'm so sorry.

RR: No, it's OK.

CA: Can you read the question on the screen, Rashad?

RR: Oh, I heard that, I heard you.

WPR: Yes, I think it might just be my mic is having some issues here.

"Is there a possibility that white supremacy will get stronger

if we don't seize this opportunity."

Yes, absolutely yes.

You know, to be clear, right,

if we don't have the right diagnosis of white supremacy,

if we think of white supremacy as just hoods,

if we think of white supremacy as just folks

who are operating, you know,

with, you know --

in some of these underground networks that have grown,

if we're just thinking about white supremacy and white nationalism

as people who marched with tiki torches in Charlottesville,

then we will really mistake all the ways

in which our systems and structures have white supremacy embedded,

and allow for something like a Tulsa Race Massacre to happen,

something like anti-immigration to happen,

but on a day-to-day basis

allow for the targeting of black communities

through predatory practices by banks.

The targeting of black communities through predatory practices like bail.

A whole set of systems that can be produced day in and day out.

We live in a country where the rules

are far too often designed in ways that create a caste system,

that create a different standard for some over others,

and so when I talked about the inflection point, right,

of this moment where something could really go forward

and something could turn backwards,

we are seeing this right now with this current president.

And as we look at what could be happening with the next election,

we have to be very, very clear

that Donald Trump doesn't just operate on his own.

He's enabled by big corporations who benefit from him being in office,

and so continue to turn a blind eye to all the things that he does.

They may post "Black Lives Matter,"

but they show up to the White House and engage with Donald Trump.

And then we have a whole set of politicians

that may sometimes say that he said something that was wrong,

but then allow for --

but support his platform in other ways.

You know, true co-conspiracy

in the effort to dismantle white supremacy and white nationalism

is not a thing that people can do on vacation.

It is a 365-day project

of us constantly working to dismantle

all of the structures that have been put in harm's way.

The final thing I will just add,

because someone mentioned about police unions,

and I want to just add that one of the problems with police unions,

and many of us have been in this position, I think,

is that I have shown up to the table with police unions on many occasions.

I remember going to the White House during the last administration

and being around a table as we were talking

about policing and police reform.

And having members of the Fraternal Order of Police leadership

say things like,

"All of this talk of racial profiling is new to us."

It is one thing for folks to not agree with you

on the policy reforms necessary.

It is another thing for people to say that our demands are too aspirational.

It's another thing to be gaslit

and told the problem doesn't actually exist at all.

And that is what we are dealing with,

and so we have to actually change

the way that people see these institutions.

Politicians who say that they are on the side of justice and reform,

can no longer take money from police-only unions

and Fraternal Order of Police.

We actually have to create a new standard,

a new litmus test of what does it mean to actually be with us.

You can't just sing our songs,

use our hashtags and march in our marches,

if you are on the other end

of supporting the structures that put us in harm's way,

that literally kill us.

And this is the opportunity for white allies

to actually stand up in new ways.

To be the type of ally,

to do the type of allyship and the type of work

that truly dismantles structures,

not just provides charity.

PAG: And I've got to add to that --

so, Paul, thank you for the question,

but we're in a moment where people

are looking at what's happening on the street,

as if a week and a half ago

we weren't in a midst of a global pandemic

as the greatest news story, the biggest new story going on.

One of the things I'm most worried about,

and have been worried about since the beginning,

what I've been talking to our chiefs about, is say,

you must be out of the social distancing policing game.

You can't be the ones doing that, and the reason is this:

We're in a moment where creating scapegoats

and enemies and others

is incredibly politically advantageous for at least one side.

And there is deliberate efforts to do exactly that.

And we've seen that black communities

are two and three and four times more likely to contract this virus,

which feels like the manifestation of racial discrimination,

because it is.

But very soon,

that's going to look like black people made bad choices

and they need to stay away from us.

And when that happens,

that's when law enforcements get used to regulate where black movement can be.

We used to call it sundown towns,

I don't know what we're going to call it when it's around COVID.

But it's coming.

I'm already seeing that on communities like Nextdoor,

and on Facebook groups.

People who don't think of themselves as white supremacists

but just want the disease away,

and the disease has a black and brown face.

So we're not only dealing with a moment of generational tension,

between black communities and law enforcement,

we're dealing with a moment when people are looking for scapegoats,

and black people's vulnerability

has always been our greatest casting note

for being cast as scapegoats.

So for folks who are worried about this, this is not inevitably a moment

for change and reform and enlightenment and America's best values,

because historically,

these have been precisely the moments

when regression back to white supremacy has reigned supreme.

So let's not just look at everybody signaling.

I don't want to just see black and white cops on their knees,

I want to see the policies.

I want to see the things that will prevent

this kind of thing from moving to the next stage.

CA: Rashad, I want to respect the fact that you've got a hard stop at one.

And so I just want to thank you for your participation in this.

If you've got a couple of final words you want to share, that would be great,

and then if it's OK for the other three,

I think there's just a couple other questions I'd love to put

and continue this conversation for just a moment longer, if possible.

Rashad, any closing words?

RR: The thing I want to say is that now is the time for action.

And I want to invite people in

to join us at Color Of Change

to make justice real.

And in so many ways, you can visit us at Color Of Change,

you can take action.

Five, 10, 15 years from now,

we will be dealing with the impacts

of what we did or didn't do in this moment.

How we stood up and how hard we were willing to fight.

And as the other speakers have said,

now is not the time for reform around the edges,

now is time for dismantling the policies and practices that have held us back,

and championing solutions and new rules that will move us forward.

And so we hope that you will do something,

whether it's with us,

or whether it's with local organizations in your community,

or other groups around the country.

But this is an opportunity to make change,

and I believe that we can make justice real,

if we find the passion and the energy

to work together to achieve it.

So thank you all for having me,

and I hope that we have an opportunity

to build, not just online, but offline, in the months to come.

CA: Thanks so much, Rashad.

We're just going to ask this last question of you.

This one is from David Fenton.

"How can the movement unite

around a clear, simple platform of policies to enshrine in legislation?

Like making all complaints against cops public,

banning all choke holds,

ensuring independent review boards, etc.?"

WPR: That seems like a great place for you to chime in, Dr. King,

if you have some thoughts on that.

PAG: I think that was to go to you, Dr. King.

BK: Oh, OK.

You know, this may sound simplistic,

but it's a Nike thing,

I think we have to just do it,

we have to see our work as interconnected.

I think there's been efforts towards people working in that vein,

but we have to intensify that.

And in doing it,

one of the things that my father said,

and I know people sometimes get tired of hearing me say,

"My father said,"

but I just think,

I wish, should I say, we had really listened to him,

because we wouldn't be on this platform right now

having this type of conversation.

But he left something with us, sort of a blueprint

in "Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?",

his book, and he said,

going forward, the meddlesome task is to organize our strength

into compelling power.

And that is so key,

because oftentimes we organize merely around passion.

But people have certain areas of strength

and talent and giftedness,

and we've got to figure out how to build our coalitions

based on these strengths.

You know, people do different things well.

And so, in order to unite in an effective way

that they might not elude the demand that we're making,

I think that's what's going to happen.

People have to do their own personal assessment

within their organization, I call it a SWAT analysis.

And then that SWAT analysis has to happen across organizations,

so that we can make sure that we are moving in a united manner,

off of the strengths that each organization brings,

so that we can maximize the impact and the effectiveness

to do things like this,

in terms of getting the legislation in place that is needed in this hour.

CA: Thanks so much.

Just quick closing words from you, Anthony,

and then from you, Phil.

Anthony.

AR: You know, I would just say

that what gives me hope are the young folk.

You have to believe that among this group,

this groups of young'uns,

seeing what they're seeing,

living with this president, with these instincts,

seeing the continued indifference

that mainstream communities have given to issues of racial justice,

or economic justice,

you've got to believe that what comes out of this very hot fire,

is something even more powerful and strong than we've ever seen before.

That's what gets me through the hard days that we're now experiencing,

this thinking, there is another Dr. King among the young'uns, Dr. King.

And I have to believe that what they're seeing

and what they're witnessing

and their righteous indignation and their frustration and their anger

is going to be miraculously

a beautiful blossoming of a new opportunity, of a new change.

This generation will take us there, I have to believe that.

My generation has failed them miserably.

So I'm just looking forward to the new ones.

CA: Thank you, Anthony.

WPR: Phil. Thank you, Anthony.

PAG: So it really has been a privilege to be on with you all.

To David's question,

let me say that a number of civil rights organizations,

I believe the ACLU among them,

CPE, Center for Policing Equity,

and hundreds more have signed on to principles for legislation

that would include eight pillars.

It's been led by the Leadership Conference for Civil and Human Rights.

And it includes a federal ban on choke holds,

it includes a national registry for officers

who have engaged in misconduct.

I also think that it's important at this moment to get,

we've got law enforcement's chiefs of major cities willing to say,

if we emerge from this moment and our profession hasn't changed,

then we have failed again.

So it's a critical time to get behind,

I would direct you to LCCHR's website for the eight pillars,

because I won't remember them all right now,

and to start calling your local law enforcement,

and say, "Yes, own that."

You should be signing on,

they should be going public with letters that do all of that.

But I'll also say this.

For a path forward in the principles, I'll end where I started,

which is that this is bigger than policing.

These are the unpaid debts owed to black communities

for stolen labor,

owed to native communities for stolen land, for stolen culture,

for years taken away

and for lives lost in it.

This is bigger than policing.

If we don't understand the size of it,

then there's no solution that's really, truly proportional to the moment.

But in this moment,

when we're seeing trillion of dollars in bailouts, mostly for corporations,

it is absolutely a time when we can do things

that normally, people could pretend that's too much, it's too big, we can't.

We have literally all the money in the world

that can be spent and directed

towards making us the society we pretend to be,

before moments like this happen.

And so the thing that gives me hope

is that the lies have to be obvious now.

The lies have to be,

that was a reasonable use of force.

The lie has to be, we don't have the money.

The lie has to be, that's too hard, it's too big of a challenge.

This stuff feels impossible every day except today,

because the alternative is we lose everything.

Everything is at stake,

our democracy is at stake,

the people we choose to be, we claim to be,

that's at stake.

And in the face of that,

I think we can do impossible things.

I think we can be mighty.

So my hope for all of us is

first, that we wake up tomorrow with more peace in the evening than war,

and that we hold on to what's possible from this moment

at the same time that we hold on

to the size of the task in front of us.

I don't want to come with half measures out of this.

I don't want to come out with radicalized youth

and indifferent aged ...

I don't know what the contrast...

The radicalized youth

and indifferent people who are old like me.

I want to come out with a unified country

that understands that the costs that we owe are big,

and our pockets are deep enough to match it.

CA: Wow.

Thank you to each of you for extraordinary eloquence.

Really, so powerful.

This conversation, obviously, continues,

I know that there's many people listening,

you have other questions,

this, I think, from TED's point of view is just the start of the conversation.

To the extent that our job is to amplify the voices that matter,

we couldn't be prouder to be amplifying further

your extraordinary voices.

So thank you for being part of this today.

PAG: Thank you.

WPR: Thank you all.