Hamilton vs. Madison and the birth of American partisanship | Noah Feldman

88,191 views ・ 2017-08-04

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If you've been thinking about US politics
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and trying to make sense of it for the last year or so,
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you might have hit on something like the following three propositions:
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one, US partisanship has never been so bad before;
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two,
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for the first time, it's geographically spatialized --
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we're divided between the coasts, which want to look outwards,
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and the center of the country, which wants to look inwards;
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and third,
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there's nothing we can do about it.
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I'm here to today to say that all three of these propositions,
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all of which sound reasonable,
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are not true.
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In fact,
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our US partisanship goes all the way back
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to the very beginning of the republic.
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It was geographically spatialized in almost eerily the same way
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that it is today,
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and it often has been throughout US history.
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And last,
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and by far most importantly,
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we actually have an extraordinary mechanism
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that's designed to help us manage factional disagreement and partisanship.
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That technology is the Constitution.
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And this is an evolving, subtly, supplely designed entity
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that has the specific purpose
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of teaching us how to manage factional disagreement
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where it's possible to do that,
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and giving us techniques for overcoming that disagreement
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when that's possible.
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Now, in order to tell you the story,
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I want to go back to a pivotal moment in US history,
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and that is the moment
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when factional disagreement and partisanship was born.
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There actually was a birth moment --
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a moment in US history when partisanship snapped into place.
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The person who's at the core of that story is James Madison.
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And at the moment that this began,
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James Madison was riding high.
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He himself was the Einstein of not only the US Constitution,
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but of constitutional thought more globally,
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and, to give him his due,
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he knew it.
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In a period of time of just three years,
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from 1785 to 1788,
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he had conceived, theorized, designed, passed and gotten ratified
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the US Constitution.
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And just to give you some sense of the enormity
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of what that accomplishment actually was,
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although Madison couldn't have known it at the time,
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today that same constitutional technology that he invented is still in use
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not only in the US,
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but, 230 years later,
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in places like Canada,
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India,
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South Africa,
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Brazil.
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So in an extraordinary range of contexts all over the world,
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this technology is still the dominant,
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most used, most effective technology to manage governance.
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In that moment,
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Madison believed that, having solved this problem,
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the country would run smoothly,
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and that he had designed a technology
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that would minimize the results of factions
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so there would be no political parties.
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Remarkably, he thought he had designed a constitution
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that was against political parties
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and would make them unnecessary.
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He had gotten an enormous degree of help
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in the final marketing phase of his constitutional project
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from a man you may have heard of, called Alexander Hamilton.
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Now, Hamilton was everything Madison was not.
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He was passionate, where Madison was restrained.
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He was pansexual,
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where Madison didn't speak to a woman except for once
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until he was 42 years old,
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and then married Dolley and lived happily ever after for 40 years.
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(Laughter)
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To put it bluntly,
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Hamilton's the kind of person
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about whom you would write a hip-hop musical --
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(Laughter)
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and Madison is the kind of person
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about whom you would not write a hip-hop musical.
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(Laughter)
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Or indeed, a musical of any kind at all.
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But together,
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they had become a rather unlikely pairing,
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and they had produced the Federalist Papers,
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which offered a justification
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and, as I mentioned,
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a marketing plan for the Constitution,
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which had been wildly effective and wildly successful.
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Once the new government was in place,
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Hamilton became Secretary of the Treasury,
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and he had a very specific idea in mind.
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And that was
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to do for financial institutions and infrastructure
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exactly what Madison had done for constitutions.
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Again, his contemporaries all knew it.
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One of them told Madison,
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who can't have liked it very much,
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that Hamilton was the Newton of infrastructure.
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The idea was pretty straightforward.
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Hamilton would give the United States a national bank,
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a permanent national debt --
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he said it would be "immortal," his phrase --
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and a manufacturing policy that would enable trade and manufacturing
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rather than agriculture,
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which was where the country's primary wealth had historically been.
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Madison went utterly ballistic.
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And in this pivotal, critical decision,
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instead of just telling the world that his old friend Hamilton was wrong
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and was adopting the wrong policies,
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he actually began to argue
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that Hamilton's ideas were unconstitutional --
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that they violated the very nature of the Constitution
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that the two of them had drafted together.
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Hamilton responded the way you would expect.
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He declared Madison to be his "personal and political enemy" --
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these are his words.
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So these two founders who had been such close friends and such close allies
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and such partners,
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then began to produce enmity.
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And they did it in the good, old-fashioned way.
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First, they founded political parties.
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Madison created a party originally called the Democratic Republican Party --
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"Republican" for short --
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and Hamilton created a party called the Federalist Party.
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Those two parties adopted positions on national politics
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that were extreme and exaggerated.
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To give you a clear example:
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Madison, who had always believed
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that the country would have some manufacturing and some trade
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and some agriculture,
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began attacking Hamilton
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as a kind of tool of the financial markets
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whom Hamilton himself intended to put in charge of the country.
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That was an overstatement,
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but it was something Madison came to believe.
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He also attacked city life,
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and he said that the coasts were corrupt,
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and what people needed to do was to look inwards
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to the center of the country,
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to farmers, who were the essence of Republican virtue,
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and they should go back to the values that had made American great,
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specifically the values of the Revolution,
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and those were the values of low taxes,
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agriculture
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and less trade.
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Hamilton responded to this by saying that Madison was naïve,
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that he was childish,
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and that his goal was to turn the United States
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into a primitive autarchy,
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self-reliant and completely ineffectual on the global scale.
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(Laughter)
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They both meant it,
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and there was some truth to each of their claims,
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because each side was grossly exaggerating the views of the other
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in order to fight their war.
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They founded newspapers,
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and so for the first time in US history,
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the news that people received came entirely through the lens
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of either the Republican or the Federalist party.
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How does this end?
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Well, as it turned out, the Constitution did its work.
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But it did its work in surprising ways
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that Madison himself had not fully anticipated.
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First, there was a series of elections.
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And the first two times out of the box,
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the Federalists destroyed the Republicans.
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Madison was astonished.
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Of course, he blamed the press.
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(Laughter)
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And in a rather innovative view --
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Madison never failed to innovate when he thought about anything --
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he said the reason that the press was so pro-Federalist
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is that the advertisers were all Federalists,
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because they were traders on the coasts who got their capital from Britain,
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which Federalism was in bed with.
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That was his initial explanation.
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But despite the fact that the Federalists,
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once in power,
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actually enacted laws that criminalized criticism of the government --
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that happened in the United States --
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nevertheless,
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the Republicans fought back,
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and Madison began to emphasize the freedom of speech,
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which he had built into the Bill of Rights,
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and the capacity of civil society
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to organize.
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And sure enough, nationally,
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small local groups -- they were called Democratic-Republican Societies --
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began to form and protest against Federalist-dominated hegemony.
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Eventually, the Republicans managed to win a national election --
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that was in 1800.
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Madison became the Secretary of State,
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his friend and mentor Jefferson became president,
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and they actually, over time,
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managed to put the Federalists completely out of business.
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That was their goal.
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Now, why did that happen?
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It happened because in the structure of the Constitution
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were several features that actually managed faction
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the way there were supposed to do in the first place.
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What were those?
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One -- most important of all --
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the freedom of speech.
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This was an innovative idea at the time.
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Namely, that if you were out of power,
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you could still say that the government was terrible.
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Two,
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civil society organization.
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The capacity to put together private groups, individuals,
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political parties and others
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who would organize to try to bring about fundamental change.
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Perhaps most significantly was the separation of powers --
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an extraordinary component of the Constitution.
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The thing about the separation of powers
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is that it did then and it does now,
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drive governance to the center.
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You can get elected to office in the United States
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with help from the periphery,
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right or left.
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It turns out,
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you actually can't govern unless you bring on board the center.
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There are midterm elections that come incredibly fast
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after a presidency begins.
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Those drive presidents towards the center.
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There's a structure in which the president, in fact, does not rule
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or even govern,
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but can only propose laws which other people have to agree with --
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another feature that tends to drive presidents
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who actually want to get things done
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to the center.
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And a glance at the newspapers today will reveal to you
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that these principles are still completely in operation.
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No matter how a president gets elected,
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the president cannot get anything done
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unless the president first of all follows the rules of the Constitution,
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because if not,
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the courts will stand up, as indeed has sometimes occurred,
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not only recently, but in the past, in US history.
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And furthermore,
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the president needs people,
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elected officials who know they need to win election
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from centrist voters,
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also to back his or her policies in order to pass laws.
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Without it, nothing much happens.
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The takeaway of this brief excursus
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into the history of partisanship, then, is the following:
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partisanship is real;
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it's profound;
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it's extraordinarily powerful,
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and it's terribly upsetting.
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But the design of the Constitution is greater than partisanship.
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It enables us to manage partisanship when that's possible,
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and it enables us actually to overcome partisan division
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and produce compromise,
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when and only when that is possible.
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A technology like that is a technology that worked
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for the founders,
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it worked for their grandchildren,
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it didn't work at the moment of the Civil War,
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but then it started working again.
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And it worked for our grandparents,
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our parents,
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and it's going to work for us.
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(Applause)
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So what you should do is really simple.
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Stand up for what you believe in,
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support the organizations that you care about,
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speak out on the issues that matter to you,
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get involved,
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make change,
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express you opinion,
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and do it with respect and knowledge and confidence
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that it's only by working together
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that the constitutional technology can do the job that it is designed to do.
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Stand up for what you believe,
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but take a deep breath while you do it.
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It's going to be OK.
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Thanks.
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(Applause)
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