How to Build a Global Pro-Democracy Movement | Yordanos Eyoel | TED

翻译人员: Fuman Jiang 校对人员: Siying Chen

It is September 1991.

现在是 1991 年 9 月。

I'm wearing my new green and white uniform,

我穿着新的绿色和白色校服，

and I show up to my second grade class with both excitement and trepidation.

我既兴奋又害怕地出现 在二年级的课上。

It should have been a walk in the park,

这本来应该是走在公园里，

but my first grade year was disrupted by a coup d’état,

但是我的一年级被一场政变打乱了，

which was a culmination of a 17-year civil war in Ethiopia.

这是埃塞俄比亚长达 17 年的内战的高潮。

As a second grader,

作为一名二年级学生，

I was now emerging back into the world after months of lockdown.

经过数月的封锁， 我现在又重新接触到了这个世界。

What should have been this euphoric moment to reunite with my friends,

然而，这个本该是与 朋友团聚的欣快时刻，

however, became one of the most haunting moments of my life,

却成了我一生中最难忘的时刻之一，

shaping both my worldview and my future life's work.

它塑造了我的世界观， 和未来人生的工作。

You see, in my prior six years of life, up until this point,

你看，在我之前的六年 生活中，直到现在，

I had no idea that I was a multiethnic individual

我还不知道

in the Ethiopian context.

在埃塞俄比亚背景下 我是一个多族裔的人。

I knew my parents belonged to different ethnic tribes,

我知道我的父母属于 不同的族裔部落，

but I had not assigned meaning to these labels.

但我没有为这些标签赋予意义。

But that formative September,

但是在那个成长中的九月，

I began to realize the political significance

我开始意识到由新政府策划的

of each of my identities

对我每个身份的

as systematically orchestrated by the new ruling government.

政治意义。

So as any child trying to fit in and avoid bullying,

因此，就像任何试图适应 和避免欺凌的孩子一样，

I began the journey of claiming one ethnic identity, my father's,

我开始声称自己是单种族身份， 我父亲的种族身份，

and hiding the other, my mother's.

而被隐瞒的另一个种族身份， 即我母亲的种族身份。

I spent my entire childhood navigating this identity minefield.

我的整个童年都在探索这个身份雷区。

Eventually, at 13, I immigrated to the US.

最终，在 13 岁时， 我移民到了美国。

And let me tell you what I learned.

让我告诉你我学到了什么。

Exclusion -- it's global.

排斥——这是全球性的。

You see, whether in a quasidemocracy like Ethiopia

你看，无论是在像埃塞俄比亚 这样的准民主国家，

or a developed one like the United States,

还是在像美国这样的发达国家，

we are confronted with the ideology of both inclusion and othering.

我们都与包容和他人并存的思想共存。

So the question becomes,

因此，问题变成了，

how do we build societies that are both functional and inclusive?

我们如何建设既有用又包容的社会？

This is a question I've been wrestling with since second grade.

这是我从二年级起就 一直在努力解决的问题。

I strongly believe the answer is democracy.

我坚信这个问题的答案是民主。

This is not to say democracy as we have it today is perfect.

这并不是说我们今天的民主是完美的。

In fact, it is struggling in so many ways,

事实上，它在很多方面都在苦苦挣扎，

including in being effective and representative.

比如在效率和代表性方面。

However, with its inherent values of individual choice and collective voice,

但是，凭借个人选择和 集体发言权的固有价值，

democracy is the most compelling vision we have for self-governance.

民主是我们对自治最有说服力的愿景。

So straightening democracy has become my life's work.

因此，理顺民主已成为我毕生的工作。

In 2022, I founded the nonpartisan, nonprofit organization Keseb

2022 年，我创立了无党派， 非营利组织 Keseb，

to address two challenges facing democracy:

以应对民主面临的两个挑战：

the rise of authoritarianism and the need to reimagine democracy.

威权主义的兴起和 重新构想民主的必要性。

These are enormous challenges that I'm talking about,

我所说的这些都是巨大的挑战，

and addressing them requires a global pro-democracy movement.

解决这些挑战需要全球性的民主运动。

So how do we do it? How do we build this movement?

那么我们该怎么做呢？ 我们如何建立这场运动？

I believe we need to make democracy inspiring.

我相信我们需要让民主鼓舞人心。

We need to accelerate the pace of innovation

我们需要加快民主运动的创新的步伐。

in the pro-democracy movement,

在激励民主的行动里

and we as a global community need to come together

我们作为一个全球性的集体， 需要团结起来，

to embrace our interconnectedness.

拥抱我们的互联性。

I'll explain what I mean.

我会解释我的意思。

Let's start with: make democracy inspiring and relevant.

让我们从让民主具有 启发性和相关性开始。

For a few decades now, democracy has been in crisis.

几十年来，民主一直处于危机之中。

We have to ask, why is this happening?

我们必须问，为什么会这样？

In my work, we have found four key drivers:

在我的研究中，我们发现了 四个关键驱动因素：

economic change and inequality;

经济变革和不平等；

dysfunctional and unregulated information ecosystems;

功能失调和不受监管的信息生态系统；

rapid demographic changes;

快速的人口变化；

and finally, the interplay between opportunistic populist leaders

最后，平民主义领导人和政治精英

and political elites.

之间的相互作用。

Collectively, these forces are driving the crisis of democracy globally.

这些力量共同推动了全球民主危机。

This has left many people feeling disillusioned

这使许多人感到幻想破灭，

and thus more susceptible to manipulation by authoritarian narratives,

因此更容易受到专制叙事的操纵，

activating what researchers call the “authoritarian reflex,”

激活了研究人员 所谓的 “专制反射”，

which is really about people's desire for answers and security.

即人们对答案和安全的渴望。

Authoritarian leaders are exploiting this

专制领导人正在利用这一点，

by offering very simplistic

通过提供非常简单的

and often ethnonationalist and malinformed solutions

且民族主义的以及不明智的解决方案

to address our everyday challenges,

来应对我们的日常挑战，

like building a wall to promote security.

就像修建一堵隔离墙来促进安保。

And unfortunately, they're succeeding.

不幸的是，他们成功了。

To make democracy inspiring,

为了激励民主，

we have to tell a better story about democracy.

我们必须讲一个关于民主更好的故事。

Let me ask you this.

让我问你这个问题。

Have you ever found yourself waking up before sunrise,

你有没有发现自己在日出之前醒来，

thinking about the state of democracy?

想着民主的现状？

(Laughter)

（笑声）

No? I mean, I do. It's my job.

不是，我的意思是， 我会。这是我的工作。

But I'm sure there are lots of you who do as well.

但我敢肯定，你们当中也有 很多人也这样做。

But the vast majority of us,

但是我们大部分的人醒来后，

we wake up thinking about food, our families,

都会想到食物、家庭、

our health, our jobs,

健康、工作、

the day-to-day life matters.

以及日常的琐碎事。

Compared to these issues, often democracy seems so distant.

与这些问题相比， 民主往往显得如此遥远。

But it isn't.

但事实并非如此。

It is embedded in everything that affects our daily life.

它嵌入到影响我们 日常生活的一切事物中。

We fight authoritarianism not only through elections,

我们不仅通过选举来对抗独裁主义，

but also through a compelling pro-democracy narrative

还通过一个激励人心和令人信服的

that is both practical and inspirational.

亲民主的叙事来对抗威权主义。

Practical in that it speaks to how democracy meets our everyday needs

民主之所以实用，是因为 它可以满足我们的日常需求，

and inspirational in that it addresses

而且鼓舞人心的是，它解决了政治学家

what political scientists call the “root ideas.”

所说的 “根本思想”。

Who we are as a people,

即我们是谁，

what we value, what matters to us.

我们看重什么，对我们重要的事情。

And we're seeing innovative examples for how to do this.

而且我们看到了如何 做到这一点的创新示例。

In the US, the nonpartisan media organization PushBlack

在美国，无党派的媒体组织 PushBlack

promotes civic engagement through sharing Black history,

通过分享黑人历史来， 促进公民参涉政治，

presenting information often people never learned in school.

提供人们通常在学校从未学过的信息。

PushBlack's nine million subscribers

PushBlack的 900 万 订阅者

are responsible for one of the most effective

是美国最有效的

voter engagement programs in America.

选民计划的参与者之一。

In Israel, before the war, a historic citizen-led movement

在以色列，战前，一场由 公民主导的历史性运动

had galvanized people across the ideological spectrum

激励了拥有各种思想的人们，

to stand up for democratic norms and institutions.

挺身而出捍卫民主规范和制度。

This has led to the creation of a new political center

这导致了新的政治中心的建立，

that will impact the future of both Israel and Palestine.

这将影响以色列和巴勒斯坦的未来。

These are examples of ordinary people coming together

这些是普通百姓聚集

to create compelling pro-democracy narratives

来创造令人信服的亲民主叙事，

that unite communities.

并团结一个社区的例子。

Second, we need to accelerate the pace of innovation

其次，我们需要加快

in the pro-democracy movement.

民主运动的创新步伐。

The battle between autocracy and democracy is both conceptual and tactical.

专制与民主之间的斗争既是 概念性的，也是战术性的。

It requires offensive and defensive strategies,

它需要进攻和防御策略，

and on this front, the authoritarians have been quite innovative.

在这方面，极权主义者 已经颇具创新性。

Through effective cross-border learning,

通过有效的跨境学习，

they have developed what scholars call "The Authoritarian Playbook."

他们开发了学者们所谓的 “专制剧本”。

From North America to Southeast Asia to Europe,

从北美到东南亚再到欧洲，

you see this playbook in motion.

你可以看到这本剧本的动态变化。

It consists of strategies such as undermining institutions,

它包括破坏机构、

spreading disinformation,

散布虚假信息、

exploiting racial and religious differences,

利用种族和宗教差异、

weaponizing fear,

武器化恐惧

and stoking political violence.

以及煽动政治暴力等策略。

I call this playbook the “authoritarian innovation ecosystem,”

我称这本剧本为 “专制创新生态系统”，

because the tactics are not static.

因为策略不是一成不变的。

They are continually being perfected based on wins and losses across the globe.

他们根据全球的胜负不断完善。

I'll give you an example.

我给你举个例子。

Election denialism.

否认选举。

In 2020, former US President Donald Trump

2020年，美国前总统 唐纳德·特朗普

catalyzed a movement claiming the presidential election was stolen.

发起了一场声称总统大选被盗的运动。

This led to the January 6, 2021 riots in Washington, DC,

这导致了二零二一年一月六日 华盛顿特区的骚乱，

and continues to define American politics today.

并持续定义当今的美国政治。

Soon after that,

此后不久，

Brazil's former president Jair Bolsonaro,

巴西前总统，贾尔·博尔索纳罗 （Jair Bolsonaro），

also known as Trump of the Tropics,

被称为热带地区的特朗普，

started to claim fraud in his upcoming election

开始了在即将举行的选举中 声称存在欺诈行为，

and then refused to acknowledge his loss.

然后拒绝承认自己的失利。

This led to the January 8, 2022 riots in Brasilia,

这导致了 2022 年 1 月 8 日的巴西利亚骚乱，

and similar to the US, the country remains highly polarized.

与美国类似，该国仍然高度两极分化。

So if authoritarians are learning from each other

因此，如果极权主义者

and supporting one another,

互相学习，互相支持，

we have to ask: Why aren’t our best pro-democracy innovators doing the same?

我们就要问：为什么我们最优秀的 民主创新者不这样做？

Currently, the pro-democracy movement is stymied

目前，民主运动受到阻碍，

because we operate in silos divided by national borders.

因为我们在被国界 隔开的孤岛中运作。

We find ourselves responding to crises as opposed to preventing them.

我们发现自己是在应对危机 而不是预防危机。

But the good news is that we don't have to start from scratch.

但好消息是，我们不必从头开始。

There are pro-democracy innovations all over the world.

世界各地都有对民主的创新的支持者。

What we need to do is learn from them and then weave them together globally.

我们需要做的是向他们学习， 然后在全球范围内将它们编织在一起。

In Brazil, the organization Pacto pela Democracia

在巴西，Pacto pela Democracia组织

builds cross-partisan coalitions to protect elections.

建立了跨党派联盟来保护选举。

Guess what? The American organization Protect Democracy does the same thing.

你猜怎么着？美国保护民主组织 也在做同样的事情。

Or take Academy for Future Leaders in France

或者以法国的未来领袖学院

and Futurelect in South Africa.

和南非的Futurelect为例。

Both organizations are working to train young people

这两个组织都在努力培训年轻人

to pursue political office based on their values.

根据自己的价值观担任政治职务。

There are innovative pro-democracy organizations like these

世界各地都有像这样的

all over the world.

创新型的民主组织。

Most of them don't even know about each other.

他们中的大多数人甚至都不认识对方。

We need strong transnational learning platforms,

我们需要强大的跨国学习平台、

convenings and pro-democracy networks

会议，和支持民主的网络

to enable these democracy champions

使这些民主支持者

to learn from each other and support one another.

能够相互学习和相互支持。

I believe if lessons can be imported and exported

我相信，如果极权主义者 能够借鉴和输出教训

by the authoritarians to dismantle democracy,

来摧毁民主，

we can use the same strategy to save it.

我们就能用同样的策略来拯救民主。

Third,

第三，

we need to embrace our interconnectedness as a global community.

我们需要接受我们作为 一个全球社区的相互关联性。

I don't need to tell you how badly polarization is impacting us.

我不用告诉你两极分化 对我们的影响有多严重。

We demonize each other within borders and across borders.

我们在边界内和边界之间互相妖魔化。

This is a key component of the authoritarian playbook.

这是专制剧本的关键组成部分。

The reality is that democracies depend on one another to survive,

现实情况是，民主国家 像专制国家一样，

just as autocracies do,

相互依赖才能生存，

which means that we, as people of different nations

这意味着我们作为不同国家的人民

also depend on one another.

也依赖于互相。

We can use this interdependence to promote oppression or liberation.

我们可以利用这种相互 依存来促进压迫或解放。

We see this throughout history.

纵观历史，我们都能看到这一点。

For example, concentration camps

例如，集中营实际上

were not actually an invention of Nazi Germany.

并不是纳粹德国的发明。

They first appeared in Spanish Cuba and South Africa

他们早在奥斯威辛集中营出现之前

long before there was ever an Auschwitz.

就首次出现在西班亚 殖民的古巴和南非。

Concentration camps were an exported innovation

集中营是

for oppression.

压制的输出创新。

On the other side of the spectrum,

另一方面，

civil disobedience that served as the anchor strategy

非暴力抗命是一主要策略，

for the US civil rights movement

因为美国的民权运动

was honed by the nonviolent movement in India against British rule.

是由印度反对英国 统治的非暴力运动磨练的。

An example of an imported innovation for liberation.

为解放而引进创新的一个例子。

Innovation for oppression, or innovation for liberation:

以创新换取压迫，或以创新换取解放：

it is up to us to choose.

这取决于我们的选择。

In today’s political discourse,

在当今的政治话语中，

isolationism is often presented as a solution to our many problems.

孤立主义通常被视为我们 许多问题的解决方案。

But we know that's not the answer.

但是我们知道这不是答案。

We can be locally rooted and globally connected.

我们在本地扎根，并与全球相连。

We can be proud of our unique national identity and culture

我们可以为自己独特的民族 认同和文化感到自豪，

without disparaging another.

而不会贬低他人。

The authoritarians want us to believe that problem is the other.

极权主义者希望我们 相信问题来自于他人。

I have been the other.

我曾经是他人。

In Ethiopia, in the US and most places I've ever visited or lived in.

在埃塞俄比亚、美国以及 我去过或生活过的大多数地方。

But I also know what it feels like to be a part of something,

但我也知道成为某件事的一部分 是什么感觉，

a part of a collective

成为拥有共同而统一的愿景和

that is working towards a common and unifying vision,

创造更美好的世界的

a better world.

集体的一员是什么感觉。

Our future lies in our togetherness,

我们的未来取决于我们的团结，

not in our separation within our countries and across borders.

而不是各国内部以及外界的分离。

In this century, I believe we can be imaginative and audacious

在本世纪，我相信我们可以

about what is possible.

对可能的事情发挥想象力和勇气。

From Addis to Atlanta, from Brasilia to Berlin,

从亚的斯到亚特兰大， 从巴西利亚到柏林，

from Jakarta to Jerusalem.

从雅加达到耶路撒冷。

This is our moment, for all of us,

这是我们所有人的时刻，

not only for professional democracy advocates like me,

不仅是像我这样专业的民主倡导者，

but for every single one of us

同时也是我们每个人，

to come together and build a truly global pro-democracy movement.

团结起来，建立一个 真正的全球民主运动的时刻。

Thank you.

谢谢。

(Applause)

（掌声）