How we can protect truth in the age of misinformation | Sinan Aral

216,072 views ・ 2020-01-16

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Translator: Ivana Korom Reviewer: Krystian Aparta
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So, on April 23 of 2013,
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the Associated Press put out the following tweet on Twitter.
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It said, "Breaking news:
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Two explosions at the White House
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and Barack Obama has been injured."
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This tweet was retweeted 4,000 times in less than five minutes,
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and it went viral thereafter.
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Now, this tweet wasn't real news put out by the Associated Press.
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In fact it was false news, or fake news,
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that was propagated by Syrian hackers
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that had infiltrated the Associated Press Twitter handle.
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Their purpose was to disrupt society, but they disrupted much more.
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Because automated trading algorithms
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immediately seized on the sentiment on this tweet,
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and began trading based on the potential
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that the president of the United States had been injured or killed
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in this explosion.
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And as they started tweeting,
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they immediately sent the stock market crashing,
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wiping out 140 billion dollars in equity value in a single day.
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Robert Mueller, special counsel prosecutor in the United States,
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issued indictments against three Russian companies
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and 13 Russian individuals
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on a conspiracy to defraud the United States
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by meddling in the 2016 presidential election.
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And what this indictment tells as a story
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is the story of the Internet Research Agency,
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the shadowy arm of the Kremlin on social media.
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During the presidential election alone,
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the Internet Agency's efforts
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reached 126 million people on Facebook in the United States,
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issued three million individual tweets
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and 43 hours' worth of YouTube content.
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All of which was fake --
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misinformation designed to sow discord in the US presidential election.
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A recent study by Oxford University
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showed that in the recent Swedish elections,
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one third of all of the information spreading on social media
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about the election
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was fake or misinformation.
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In addition, these types of social-media misinformation campaigns
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can spread what has been called "genocidal propaganda,"
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for instance against the Rohingya in Burma,
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triggering mob killings in India.
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We studied fake news
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and began studying it before it was a popular term.
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And we recently published the largest-ever longitudinal study
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of the spread of fake news online
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on the cover of "Science" in March of this year.
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We studied all of the verified true and false news stories
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that ever spread on Twitter,
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from its inception in 2006 to 2017.
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And when we studied this information,
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we studied verified news stories
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that were verified by six independent fact-checking organizations.
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So we knew which stories were true
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and which stories were false.
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We can measure their diffusion,
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the speed of their diffusion,
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the depth and breadth of their diffusion,
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how many people become entangled in this information cascade and so on.
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And what we did in this paper
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was we compared the spread of true news to the spread of false news.
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And here's what we found.
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We found that false news diffused further, faster, deeper
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and more broadly than the truth
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in every category of information that we studied,
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sometimes by an order of magnitude.
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And in fact, false political news was the most viral.
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It diffused further, faster, deeper and more broadly
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than any other type of false news.
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When we saw this,
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we were at once worried but also curious.
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Why?
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Why does false news travel so much further, faster, deeper
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and more broadly than the truth?
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The first hypothesis that we came up with was,
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"Well, maybe people who spread false news have more followers or follow more people,
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or tweet more often,
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or maybe they're more often 'verified' users of Twitter, with more credibility,
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or maybe they've been on Twitter longer."
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So we checked each one of these in turn.
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And what we found was exactly the opposite.
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False-news spreaders had fewer followers,
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followed fewer people, were less active,
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less often "verified"
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and had been on Twitter for a shorter period of time.
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And yet,
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false news was 70 percent more likely to be retweeted than the truth,
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controlling for all of these and many other factors.
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So we had to come up with other explanations.
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And we devised what we called a "novelty hypothesis."
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So if you read the literature,
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it is well known that human attention is drawn to novelty,
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things that are new in the environment.
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And if you read the sociology literature,
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you know that we like to share novel information.
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It makes us seem like we have access to inside information,
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and we gain in status by spreading this kind of information.
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So what we did was we measured the novelty of an incoming true or false tweet,
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compared to the corpus of what that individual had seen
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in the 60 days prior on Twitter.
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But that wasn't enough, because we thought to ourselves,
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"Well, maybe false news is more novel in an information-theoretic sense,
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but maybe people don't perceive it as more novel."
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So to understand people's perceptions of false news,
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we looked at the information and the sentiment
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contained in the replies to true and false tweets.
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And what we found
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was that across a bunch of different measures of sentiment --
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surprise, disgust, fear, sadness,
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anticipation, joy and trust --
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false news exhibited significantly more surprise and disgust
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in the replies to false tweets.
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And true news exhibited significantly more anticipation,
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joy and trust
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in reply to true tweets.
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The surprise corroborates our novelty hypothesis.
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This is new and surprising, and so we're more likely to share it.
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At the same time, there was congressional testimony
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in front of both houses of Congress in the United States,
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looking at the role of bots in the spread of misinformation.
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So we looked at this too --
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we used multiple sophisticated bot-detection algorithms
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to find the bots in our data and to pull them out.
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So we pulled them out, we put them back in
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and we compared what happens to our measurement.
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And what we found was that, yes indeed,
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bots were accelerating the spread of false news online,
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but they were accelerating the spread of true news
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at approximately the same rate.
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Which means bots are not responsible
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for the differential diffusion of truth and falsity online.
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We can't abdicate that responsibility,
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because we, humans, are responsible for that spread.
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Now, everything that I have told you so far,
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unfortunately for all of us,
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is the good news.
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The reason is because it's about to get a whole lot worse.
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And two specific technologies are going to make it worse.
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We are going to see the rise of a tremendous wave of synthetic media.
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Fake video, fake audio that is very convincing to the human eye.
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And this will powered by two technologies.
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The first of these is known as "generative adversarial networks."
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This is a machine-learning model with two networks:
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a discriminator,
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whose job it is to determine whether something is true or false,
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and a generator,
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whose job it is to generate synthetic media.
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So the synthetic generator generates synthetic video or audio,
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and the discriminator tries to tell, "Is this real or is this fake?"
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And in fact, it is the job of the generator
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to maximize the likelihood that it will fool the discriminator
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into thinking the synthetic video and audio that it is creating
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is actually true.
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Imagine a machine in a hyperloop,
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trying to get better and better at fooling us.
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This, combined with the second technology,
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which is essentially the democratization of artificial intelligence to the people,
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the ability for anyone,
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without any background in artificial intelligence
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or machine learning,
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to deploy these kinds of algorithms to generate synthetic media
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makes it ultimately so much easier to create videos.
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The White House issued a false, doctored video
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of a journalist interacting with an intern who was trying to take his microphone.
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They removed frames from this video
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in order to make his actions seem more punchy.
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And when videographers and stuntmen and women
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were interviewed about this type of technique,
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they said, "Yes, we use this in the movies all the time
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to make our punches and kicks look more choppy and more aggressive."
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They then put out this video
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and partly used it as justification
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to revoke Jim Acosta, the reporter's, press pass
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from the White House.
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And CNN had to sue to have that press pass reinstated.
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There are about five different paths that I can think of that we can follow
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to try and address some of these very difficult problems today.
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Each one of them has promise,
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but each one of them has its own challenges.
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The first one is labeling.
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Think about it this way:
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when you go to the grocery store to buy food to consume,
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it's extensively labeled.
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You know how many calories it has,
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how much fat it contains --
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and yet when we consume information, we have no labels whatsoever.
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What is contained in this information?
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Is the source credible?
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Where is this information gathered from?
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We have none of that information
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when we are consuming information.
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That is a potential avenue, but it comes with its challenges.
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For instance, who gets to decide, in society, what's true and what's false?
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Is it the governments?
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Is it Facebook?
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Is it an independent consortium of fact-checkers?
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And who's checking the fact-checkers?
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Another potential avenue is incentives.
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We know that during the US presidential election
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there was a wave of misinformation that came from Macedonia
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that didn't have any political motive
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but instead had an economic motive.
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And this economic motive existed,
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because false news travels so much farther, faster
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and more deeply than the truth,
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and you can earn advertising dollars as you garner eyeballs and attention
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with this type of information.
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But if we can depress the spread of this information,
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perhaps it would reduce the economic incentive
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to produce it at all in the first place.
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Third, we can think about regulation,
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and certainly, we should think about this option.
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In the United States, currently,
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we are exploring what might happen if Facebook and others are regulated.
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While we should consider things like regulating political speech,
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labeling the fact that it's political speech,
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making sure foreign actors can't fund political speech,
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it also has its own dangers.
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For instance, Malaysia just instituted a six-year prison sentence
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for anyone found spreading misinformation.
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And in authoritarian regimes,
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these kinds of policies can be used to suppress minority opinions
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and to continue to extend repression.
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The fourth possible option is transparency.
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We want to know how do Facebook's algorithms work.
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How does the data combine with the algorithms
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to produce the outcomes that we see?
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We want them to open the kimono
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and show us exactly the inner workings of how Facebook is working.
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And if we want to know social media's effect on society,
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we need scientists, researchers
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and others to have access to this kind of information.
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But at the same time,
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we are asking Facebook to lock everything down,
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to keep all of the data secure.
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So, Facebook and the other social media platforms
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are facing what I call a transparency paradox.
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We are asking them, at the same time,
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to be open and transparent and, simultaneously secure.
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This is a very difficult needle to thread,
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but they will need to thread this needle
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if we are to achieve the promise of social technologies
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while avoiding their peril.
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The final thing that we could think about is algorithms and machine learning.
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Technology devised to root out and understand fake news, how it spreads,
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and to try and dampen its flow.
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Humans have to be in the loop of this technology,
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because we can never escape
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that underlying any technological solution or approach
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is a fundamental ethical and philosophical question
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about how do we define truth and falsity,
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to whom do we give the power to define truth and falsity
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and which opinions are legitimate,
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which type of speech should be allowed and so on.
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Technology is not a solution for that.
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Ethics and philosophy is a solution for that.
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Nearly every theory of human decision making,
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human cooperation and human coordination
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has some sense of the truth at its core.
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But with the rise of fake news,
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the rise of fake video,
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the rise of fake audio,
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we are teetering on the brink of the end of reality,
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where we cannot tell what is real from what is fake.
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And that's potentially incredibly dangerous.
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We have to be vigilant in defending the truth
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against misinformation.
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With our technologies, with our policies
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and, perhaps most importantly,
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with our own individual responsibilities,
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decisions, behaviors and actions.
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Thank you very much.
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(Applause)
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