How Disgust Drives Your Politics | Cindy Kam | TED

3,289 views ・ 2025-04-29

TED


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00:03
Cicadas emerge every 13 years.
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(Laughter)
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You may remember the noise they made.
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It was deafening.
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You may remember the slime they left
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on the bottom of your shoes.
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How about how they tasted?
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Anybody remember that?
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Well, members of my family do.
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My daughter was curious about how they would taste,
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so one day, she went out, gathered a whole bunch, washed them,
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deep-fried them, seasoned them,
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and offered them, so kindly, to her family as a snack.
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(Laughter)
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(Groans of disgust)
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(Laughter)
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My teenage son, my husband, even my 79-year-old dad,
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they were all game to try.
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It doesn't taste like chicken, I hear.
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But me?
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No, thank you.
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Something made me shrink away from that very kind offer of a snack.
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I don't think it was the fully rational part of my brain.
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Instead, it was a visceral gut reaction.
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That visceral gut reaction is the emotion of disgust.
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So let's talk about the emotion of disgust and its role in our decision-making.
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Each of us have occasions where we have a disgust reaction emerge.
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These reactions are automatic,
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but what we do with them is not.
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Now you can think of disgust as being ready to be roused,
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and to be in the driver's seat of your decision-making.
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Where will it steer us, and should we let it?
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Or sometimes, should we tell it to get in the back seat
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and let other thoughts and emotions take the wheel?
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Let me start by noting that disgust is one of many factors
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that influence our decision-making.
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They say we make 35,000 decisions a day.
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Too many for us to spend very much time hemming and hawing over them.
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Psychologist John Bargh coined this the automaticity of everyday life.
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Now emotions are among these forces that underlie our decision-making.
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Emotions can be helpful.
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On a social level,
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emotions help us very quickly and efficiently communicate
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what we are thinking and feeling to others,
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and enable us to very quickly encode what others are thinking and feeling.
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On a cultural level,
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emotions help to reinforce values, norms and identities.
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Emotions are universal,
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that is, they cross time, space people and societies around the world.
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But what triggers them often is culturally constructed.
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So let's talk about disgust.
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What triggers that?
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Well, disgust is a basic emotion,
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which means it emerges as a basic physiological response.
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You can see it in someone's face, the puckering of the lips,
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and the closing of the nostrils,
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as if to ward the body off from potential contaminants.
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And that's what disgust is.
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It's when we seek to reject contact
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with an object, an entity, a practice, a person that we think may be impure.
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Disgust begins with the body,
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but disgust extends beyond the body, to the soul and the social order.
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Now, anyone with a one-year-old
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probably knows that the disgust reaction is not innate.
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Disgust emerges around the age of two or three,
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when children are potty trained.
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So even though disgust is universal,
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experienced around the world, across time,
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in societies of people around the world,
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we have to be taught what is disgusting.
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That occurs through cultural enculturation and through experience.
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The thing about disgust is that it's adaptive
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and it can lead to protection.
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So evolutionary psychologists
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talk about disgust as an adaptive physiological response.
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Tens of thousands of years ago,
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humans lived in small bands of hunter-gatherer societies.
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Imagine you're one of these hunter-gatherers.
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On an everyday basis, you may be out there,
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and your job for today is gathering berries.
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There may have been an occasion where you had a red berry,
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and then you didn't feel so good afterwards.
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And ever since then, now you avoid those red berries.
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You see them and your stomach turns.
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You say, "No way, I'm not going to do that."
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That's conditioned taste aversion.
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Conditioned taste aversion
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is an evolutionarily adaptive physiological mechanism.
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Our bodies orient us away
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from those objects we associate with illness or disease.
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So disgust is adaptive.
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It can lead to protection and connection.
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Now disgust also operates
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not just on evolutionary scale, but in politics.
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So in 1906, Upton Sinclair published his novel "The Jungle."
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You may recall "The Jungle"
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for its graphic descriptions of the Chicago meatpacking industry.
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Through "The Jungle," readers learned what went into the sausage,
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and it wasn't what they expected.
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They learned that the chicken sold in tins on their neighborhood shelves
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might actually be beef hearts or other organs, or worse.
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They learned that a worker could trip and fall into a vat of lard
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that ended up on their neighborhood shelves.
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Now Upton Sinclair actually intended for his novel to be an exposé
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of exploitative working conditions.
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He is famous for having remarked,
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"I aimed at the public's heart, and by accident, I hit it in the stomach."
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And boy, did he.
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The American public was disgusted,
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and they demanded protection.
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President Teddy Roosevelt ordered two separate investigations,
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and within four months of the publication of "The Jungle,"
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two landmark laws were passed,
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which remain the pillars of our current food safety system.
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So disgust can lead to protection.
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I've looked at this connection between disgust and protection
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in everyday contemporary politics.
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In my work,
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I've thought about disgust sensitivity,
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an individual trait
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where people vary in how likely they are to feel disgusted.
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We measure disgust sensitivity
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with a set of questions developed by psychologists,
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which include things like “How disgusting would you find it if ...
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you went to take a sip of milk, only to find that it was spoiled?”
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Or "How disgusting would you find it if you went to take your trash out
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and you saw maggots on a piece of rotting meat?"
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A couple of things about these questions.
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First, they're not political.
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They're personal.
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Second, they're everyday, not momentous.
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And third, people vary in how they respond to them.
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Some people find the scenarios in these questions extremely disgusting.
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So for them,
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it's like disgust is shouting through a megaphone.
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Some people shrug and say they're not disgusting at all.
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And for them, if disgust speaks, it's in a whisper.
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And for others, they're somewhere in the middle.
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And what I found in my research
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is that this variation in disgust sensitivity
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helps us understand people's views of important public policies.
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People who are higher in disgust sensitivity
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than people who are lower in disgust sensitivity
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are more likely to support policies that they construe as protecting them,
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protecting their bodies,
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protecting their soul, or protecting society.
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So disgust can be protective.
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Now, the other thing about disgust
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is that it can actually lead to connection,
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which is kind of funny, because disgust is an avoidance emotion.
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We seek to avoid whatever we think is contaminating.
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In my research,
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I've looked at the relationship between disgust sensitivity
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and public opinion, demand for policies.
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I've found that disgust can actually push people,
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even those who are political opponents,
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in a similar direction.
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So for some of this, these are policies on the left,
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such as support for more government spending on the food safety system.
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People who are more disgust-sensitive
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want to see more government spending on securing the nation's food safety.
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There are also connections
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between disgust sensitivity and public opinion
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that are less on the nose, if you will.
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As I mentioned, what triggers disgust is often culturally constructed,
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and so some political discourse has connected disgust-laden rhetoric
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with particular stigmatized groups.
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And so disgust sensitivity can also lead people to intolerance for these groups
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and to support exclusionary policies.
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Now I've also found a connection between disgust sensitivity
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and public opinion on disease.
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First, this was "BC," Before Covid.
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At the time, I was looking at what seemed to be very far away
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and very distant --
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at outbreaks, Zika and Ebola.
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And for those outbreaks,
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I found that people who are higher in disgust sensitivity,
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they wanted to see government doing more to protect the country from outbreaks.
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They refused to travel to places with outbreaks,
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and they wanted to close the borders
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to those traveling from places with outbreaks.
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This occurred even though Ebola and Zika were barely politicized,
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and it occurred across party lines.
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So in this way, disgust sensitivity pulled people in the same direction,
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regardless of where their political alliances stood.
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You can also think of this in the context of eating cicadas.
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So you and I may disagree on many issues,
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but for some of you, we may be in agreement
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that we'd rather not eat cicadas.
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And if we talked a little bit more,
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we might find that we are in agreement about avoiding some other behaviors
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that we jointly deem as potentially contaminating.
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And if we talked even more,
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we might find that there is actually some common ground between us
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and support for policies
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that we jointly construe as protecting us from contamination.
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So in this way, disgust can lead to protection, but also connection.
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It's surprising because, as I mentioned, disgust is an avoidance emotion.
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Now there are also nuanced implications of disgust.
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As much as disgust is really fascinating,
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it can lead to protection and connection.
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I also want to mention that it can be fueled by imagination
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and potentially steer us in the wrong direction.
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So imagine I were to offer you a fine piece of chocolate,
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made from the finest ingredients possible,
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handcrafted by world-class artisans.
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Sounds pretty good.
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But what if it happened to have an unfortunate shape?
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Would we still want it?
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Why do we shrink away
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from a perfectly innocent piece of chocolate
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that happens to take an unfortunate shape?
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That's imagination.
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So disgust can be triggered
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whether the contaminant is real or imaginary.
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You can think of disgust as a security system
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that's ready to go off, eager to go off, eager to protect us,
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but that can be misinformed.
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So the sympathetic law of similarity, it runs on imagination.
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It imparts the objectionable qualities of one object
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to something that looks like it, right?
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That's imagination.
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That occurs with, say, conditioned taste aversion.
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I mentioned conditioned taste aversion as evolutionarily adaptive.
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Now that was helpful tens of thousands of years ago,
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but it still exists in our physiological architecture today.
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I'm sure many of us have experienced this.
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I myself, for example, went to a fast-food restaurant,
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felt sick as a dog for 24 hours afterwards,
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and, to this day, have refused to go to that restaurant,
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in that location as well as any location in the entire world ...
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(Laughter)
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because I associate that place with having felt sick.
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This is the nature of conditioned taste aversion.
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Helpful at evolutionary scale, but fueled, probably, by imagination.
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And so my children will tell you
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that this irrational conditioned taste aversion
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is holding me back from having a perfectly fine meal with my family.
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Think also about my reluctance, perhaps your reluctance,
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to eating cicadas as well, right?
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Did you know that two billion people around the world
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rely on insects as a food source?
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In a world where we need to be mindful of the global footprint
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of our protein sources,
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might disgust be holding us back
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from doing my part, our part for the planet and for humanity?
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So to sum up,
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emotions are among the many factors that influence our decision-making,
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and disgust is a particularly potent one at that.
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Disgust is ready to participate and even drive your decision-making,
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and it can lead us to protection,
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and it can even lead us to connection with political opponents.
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But disgust also entertains imagination
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and can steer us in the wrong direction as well,
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holding us back from reaching other goals.
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So the next time disgust emerges for your decision-making --
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maybe in 13 years, when it's your turn to eat deep-fried cicadas,
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or maybe, and probably, sooner than that --
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I hope you'll remember that our disgust reactions are automatic,
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but what we do with them is not.
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It's up to you to decide
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if you want disgust to be in the driver's seat
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of your decision-making,
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or if you want to push it to the back seat
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and let other thoughts and emotions take the wheel.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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